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tion will give weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it not then be advifable to begin, without delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the building and equipping of fhips of war; and to proceed in the work by degrees, in proportion our refources fhall render it praticable, without inconvenience; fo that a future war of Europe may not find our commerce in the fame unprotected ftate in which it was found by the prefent?

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Congrefs have repeatedly, and not without fuccefs, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much confequence not to enfure a continuation of their efforts, in every way which will appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on a public account are inexpedient; but where the ftate of things in a country leaves little hope that certain branches of manufacture will, for a great length of time, obtain; when thefe are of a nature effential to the furnishing and equipping of the public force in the time of war, are not eftablishments for procuring them on the public account, to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public ferwice, recommended by ftrong confiderations of national policy, as an exception to the general rule? Ought our country to remain in fuch cafes dependent on foreign fupply, precarious, becaufe liable to be interrupted. If the neceffary articles fhould in this mode coft more in time of peace, will not the fecurity and independence thence arifing form an ample compenfa tion? Eftablishments of this fort, commenfurate only with the calls of the public fervice in the time of peace, will, in tine of war, eafily

be extended in proportion to the exigencies of the government, and even perhaps be made to yield a furplus, for the fupply of our citizens at large; fo as to mitigate the privateers from the interruption of their trade. If adopted, the plan ought to exclude all thofe branches, which are already, or likely foon to be established in the country, in order that there may be no danger of interference with purfuits of individual induftry.

It will not be doubted that, with reference either to individual or national welfare, agriculture is of primary importance. In proportion as nations advance in population, and other circumftances of maturity, this truth becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the foil more and more an object of public patronage. Inftitutions for promoting it grow up, fupported by the public purfe; and to what object can it be dedicated with greater propriety? Among the means which have been employed to this end, none have been attended with greater fuccess than the establishment of boards, compofed of proper characters, charged with collecting and diffufing information, and enabled by premiums, and fmail pecuniary aids, to encourage and affift a spirit of difcovery and improvement.

I have heretofore propofed to the confideration of congrefs the expediency of establishing a national univerfity, and alfo a military academy. The defirableness of both thefe inftitutions has fo conftantly increafed with every new view I have taken of the fubject, that I cannot omit the opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to them.

The affembly to which I addrefs my felf is too enlightened not to be fully

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fully fenfible how much a flourishing state of the arts and fciences contributes to national profperity and reputation. True it is that our country, much to its honour, contains feminaries of learning, highly refpectable and ufeful; but the funds upon which they reft, are too narrow to command the ableft profeffors in the different departments of liberal knowledge, for the inftitution contemplated, though they would be excellent auxiliaries.

Among the motives to fuch an inftitution, the affimilation of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a portion of our youth from every quarter, well deferves attention. The more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our profpect of permanent union; and a primary obje&t of fuch a national inftitution fhould be the education of our youth in the fcience of government. In a republic, what fpecies of knowledge can be equally important; and what duty more preffing on its legiflature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to thofe who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country?

While, in our external relations, fome ferious inconveniences and embarraffiments have been overcome, and others leffened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention, that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has fuffered, and is fuffering, extenfive injuries in the West Indies, from the cruifers and agents of the French republic; and communications have been received from its minifter ere, which indicate the danger of further disturbance of our com

merce by its authority, and which are, in other refpects, far from agreeable.

It has been my conftant, fincere, and earnest with, in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that republic. This with remains unabated; and I fhall perfevere in the endeavour to fulfil it, to the utmoft extent of what fhall be confiftent with a juft and indifpenfable regard to the rights and honour of our country; nor will I eafily cease to cherish the expectation, that a fpirit of juftice, candour, and friendship, on the part of the republic, will eventually enfure fuccefs.

In pursuing this courfe, however, I cannot forget what is due to the character of our govern ment and nation; or to a full and entire confidence in the good fenfe, patriotifm, felt-refpect, and fortitude of my countrymen.

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GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Addrefs of the Senate, prefented by their Prefident, John Adams, to the Prefident of the United States, in Anfwer to the above Speech, Dec.

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States, was made with cordiality and promptitude, as foon as circumftances would admit; and that the other provifions of our objects of eventual arrangement are now about being carried into effect with entire harmony and good faith.

We perfectly coincide with you in opinion, that the importance of our commerce demands a naval force for its protection against foreign infult and depredation; and qur folicitude to attain that object will be always proportionate to its magnitude.

The neceffity of accelerating the eftablishment of certain ufeful manufactures by the intervention of legislative aid and protection, and the encouragement due to agriculture by the creation of boards (compofed of intelligent individu als) to patronize this primary purfuit of fociety, are fubjects which will readily engage our most serious attention.

A national univerfity may be converted to the most useful purpofes. The fcience of legiflation being fo effentially dependent on the endowments of the mind, the public intereft muft receive effectual aid from the general diffufion of knowledge; and the United States will affume a more digni fied ftation among the nations of the earth, by the fuccessful cultiva tion of the higheft branches of ii

terature.

We fincerely lament, that while the conduct of the United States has been uniformly impreffed with the character of equity, moderation, and love of peace, in the maintenance of all their foreign relationships. our trade fhould be fo haraffed by the cruifers and agents of the republic of France, through

out the extenfive departments of the West Indies.

We cordially acquiefce in the reflection that the United States, under the operation of the federal government, have experienced most rapid aggrandizement and profperity, as well political as com mercial.

While contemplating the caufes that produce this aufpicious refult, we must acknowledge the ex cellence of the conftitutional fyf. tem, and the wisdom of the legifla. tive provifions: but we should be deficient in gratitude and juftice, did we not attribute a great portion of thefe advantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents of your adminiftration, which have been confpicuously difplayed in the moft trying times, and on the most cri tical occafions. It is, therefore, with the fincereft regret, that we now receive an official notification of your intentions to retire from the public employments of your country.

When we review the various fcenes of your public life, fo long and fo fuccefsfully devoted to the moft arduous fervices, civil and military, as well during the ftruggles of the American revolution, as the convulfive periods of a re cent date, we cannot look forward to your retirement without our warmest affections and most anxi. ous regards accompanying you, and without mingling with our fel low-citizens at large the fincerefst wishes for your perfonal happiness, that fenfibility and attachment can exprefs.

The most effectual confolation that can offer for the lofs we are about to fuftain, arifes from the animating reflection, that the in fluence of your example will ex

tend to your fucceffors, and the United States thus continue to ejoy an able, upright, and energetic adminiftration.

JOHN ADAMS, vice president of the United States, and prefident of the fenate.

The Prefident's Reply.
Gentlemen,

It affords me great fatisfaction to find in your addrefs a concurrence in fentiment with me on the various topics which I prefented for your information and deliberation; and that the latter will receive from you an attention proportioned to their refpective importance.

For the notice you take of my public fervices, civil and military, and your kind wishes for my perfonal happiness, I beg you to accept my cordial thanks. Those fervices, and greater, had I poffeff

ed ability to render them, were due to the unanimous calls of my country; and its approbation is my abundant reward.

When contemplating the period of my retirement, I faw virtuous and enlightened men, among whom I refted on the difcernment and patriotifm of my fellow-citizens to make the proper choice of a fucceffor; men who would require no influential example to enfure to the United States an able, upright, and energetic administration." To fuch men I fall cheerfully yield the palm of genius and talents, to ferve our common country; but at the fame time I hope I may be indulged in expreffing the confoling reflection (which confcioufnefs fuggests), and to bear it with me to the grave, that none can ferve it with purer intentions than I have done, or with a more difinterested zeal.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SUPPLIES

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Difference between British and Irish pay,
Additionals to troops in the Eaft Indies,

Recruiting land forces, contingencies, &c.
Subfiftence paid to innkeepers, &c.
General and staff officers,

Staff officers, &c. on general Clarke's expedition,
Full pay to fupernumerary officers,
Allowance to the paymaster-general, &c.

Reduced officers of the land forces and marines,
Reduced horse-guards,

Officers late in the fervice of the states general,

Reduced officers of British American forces,
Allowances to several officers of ditto,
Embodied militia and fencible infantry,
Contingencies for ditto,

Clothing for the militia,

1,666,900 3 6 40,195 4 9 8,345 16 360,000

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Fencible cavalry,

Allowances for ditto,

DEC. 4.

Extraordinaries,

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Chelfea penfioners,

146,057 4 2

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