before Congress, a proposal is made to hand over the government to the Yankee Federal overseers, who now occupy the places of the old plantation masters, and, of course, would enter Congress as the chosen representatives of Louisiana, having, as Wendell Philips says "the bowie knife for their symbol." Some of the revolutionists, like Frederick Douglas, claim that the extension of the franchise to the negro would meet the case; but as this has proved powerless to shield the negro from indignity in Massachusetts throughout her entire history up to the commencement of the war, what chance would there be for him in Louisiana amongst the proud overseers who work him from sun to sun under the goad of the lash? If, in the one case, political, social, and religious ostracisms have made the negroes an alien race, and branded them as outcasts, what could we expect of the other? Others however, maintain that the enfranchisement of the negro would use up the abolition capital of philanthropic agitators. The New York Herald says:— "What we want now is a final settlement with these disorganising sectional factions on the slavery question, and the negro question. The war has killed Southern slavery. Let it be buried and put out of the way as soon as possible. It ends the slavery agitation. But there is yet something left for abolition capital in the negro agitation. Against this demand that as slavery is abolished, and that as the African race have powerfully assisted us in putting

down the rebellion and in saving the life of the nation they should have a share in the political right of the ballot box, what valid objection can be made? We cannot long resist this demand in view of the extinction of slavery and the services of the Southern blacks during this war. With every opportunity and in every way they have been our faithful allies. We have had two hundred and fifty thousand of them in the service of the army and navy. Their battle of emancipation, involving four millions of their race, has turned the scale in our favour, and we must yield to the sagacity of President Lincoln's emancipation edicts. It is folly to argue against established facts. We adhere to the lights of experience and common sense. Hence we would say again to President Johnson that he has nothing to fear in labouring to give the Southern blacks the right of suffrage in the reconstruction of the rebellious States. Political negro exclusions, looking to the safety of negro slavery, are no longer necessary, slavery being dead. Above all, we want to see not only the slavery question, but the negro question, as a political hobby, permanently settled, so that Northern and Southern negro agitators may be silenced, in being deprived of the last parcel of their stock in trade-negro suffrage in the reconquered States."

EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO.

This is the summum bonum of some of the reconstructionists; but what hope is there of conferring such an inestimable boon on the black man in America, unless the white man, who claims to be his superior or master, is properly educated as well? To get the black man 'up," the white man must be first got up to the proper mark or standard, or he will use all his instrumentalities and activities to keep the negro down, as shewn in every state of the North.

To begin with the blacks, therefore, is to commence at the wrong end. The right place is at the White House, Washington, as, according to the testimony of Frederick Douglas, published in the Halifax Guardian, the rule laid down for the guidance of statesmen, so-called, was, "Do evil by choice, right from necessity." Then a few lessons might be given to senators and legislators in Congress on the violation of state sovereignties by Federal administrators, through the supreme interference of war, and the imposition of military governors intruded upon New Orleans, Nashville, and Newburn, which the Constitution makes treasonable, except the aid of the President and his administrators was invoked by the governors or executive of the states thus invaded.

the

A few lessons, also, would be very salutary to governors of Northern states who have coalesced

with the executive at Washington to trample down the sovereignties of Southern states, thereby imperilling their own, as the touch of Seward's "bells" and Butler's mission to New York demonstrate; the former causing "suspects" to be thrown into prison, where, according to the frightful details given in the Edinburgh Witness and Morning Herald in 1861, they have been made to fill up, in their bitter experience, a chapter of horrors, compared with which Austrian despotism is whiterobed innocence; and the latter throwing down state sovereignties as if the "pretty theory of the American Constitution was only a thing of fancy or mere convenience." The editor of the London Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1864, says :-"When Butler went to New York, almost avowedly to use the executive forces in overawing those of the State, a grand landmark in the history of America was established. It remained to be seen whether his intervention would be resisted; it was not; it was accepted, partly with fear, partly with satisfaction. The evil precedents set by the Federals in Louisiana, Tennessee, Maryland, and other states, were repeated in New York. The empire city scarcely murmured-nay, it accepted the brusque Butler as "the man for the situation;" and before he departed, to rejoin an army which he has commanded without credit, the "elective affinities" had so closely drawn together the buffoonery of Beecher and the brutality of Butler, that the soldier who

outrages women was nominated as President by the preacher who trades upon religion."

The education might then be extended to our entire Northern people on the Fourth of July orations, which are condemnatory of George the Third and his brave generals, who were princes of light to Johnson, Seward, & Co., Generals Sherman, Grant, Banks, Sheridan, and Butler.

Some lessons might be given to advantage on the unwillingness of our Northern people to sustain the public credit, which impose on Federal financiers the Egyptian task of making bricks without straw. And the concluding series might with propriety embrace the monstrous theories propounded by Federal advocates, "that bloodshed and strife must accompany the abolition of slavery;" that " war was a beneficent power in proportion to its destructiveness," that the "longer the war was protracted, the more beneficial it would be ;" and that, "as the North was able to hold out the longest, those advocates could await with the completest satisfaction, and the profoundest resignation, the period when the brave and chivalrous Southerns would be hurled into the regions of exhaustion and ruin ;" and also coupled with the above theories the following facts might be given, as illustrations of the barbarism of war:-That the late President Lincoln had assumed the right to punish their neighbours for their sins; and to the extent of their crimes That General Sherman by the torch had