PARTY ORGANIZATION IN LEGISLATIVE BODIES

each house each party recognizes its official | and is liable to promote party division and leader of debate. The prime minister holds this aggravate faction. position for the Government and the aspirant House of Representatives.-In the House of for that office leads the Opposition. Their Representatives the Speaker is the head of words have peculiar weight as expressing the his party and the defeated candidate for the policy of the party. These positions of influ- speakership leads the minority on the floor. ence are won by successful statemanship which A leader of debate upon the floor is also sethe party is bound to recognize. Continuous lected by the majority. The Speaker is excompetition within the party keeps every pected to use his office to promote party legis statesman struggling to maintain his influence lation. His power has risen and fallen from and to increase it by formulating acceptable time to time, but at its zenith he practically policies and securing support for them from dictated all party legislation and the conduct the voters. The English Cabinet and the of business. Either alone or with the assist"shadow cabinet” are not outside of the party ance of a committee, he appointed all the comorganization of the legislative body as are mittees of the house (see) in whose hands the the President and his Cabinet in America; real business of legislation rests. As a member they are the organization. The leaders are ex officio of the committee on rules he helps assisted in the control of their parties by to determine what business shall come before party whips (see) who do not take part in the house, who shall be recognized in debate, debate, but whose services are invaluable, since and how business shall proceed. His power is they must keep party members informed of so strongly supported by the rest of the organimportant divisions and compel their attend-ization in Congress that little opportunity reance when necessary. The whip also keeps the leaders informed as to any change of sentiment among party members and tries to hold wavering supporters in line. Whenever a strictly party division is taken the whips act as tellers.

mains to the independent element of the party for resistance. Arbitrary as it may seem, some such centralization of power appears essential in so large a political body as is the house. The committee (see) system of conducting actual business has developed with the American As Mr. Lowell has shown in his careful legislature. The chairman of each committee study of party voting, the tendency in Parlia- and a majority of its members are of the domment is toward more strict division on party inant party and thus the party makes itself lines while the sense of party pressure seems in a way responsible for the acts of the comnot to increase. The reason is found in the mittee, while the minority is also given a necessity of party voting under the present chance to express its views. Most legislation parliamentary system, since the tendency of is non-partisan and does not lead to party didemocracy is to fix its eye only on the broad vision either in committee or on the floor of general issues that every voter can appreciate. the house; but when a bill deals with a quesUnited States.-The separation of executive tion of party difference, such as the tariff, from legislative offices in the United States the committee may divide on strict party lines, produces a radical difference in the relation- and bring in a majority and a minority report. ship between the party and the legislative bod- Such a report may be followed by a party deies. Fully one half of party interest centers bate and a party vote in the house, but the in the President or the governor while the actual proportion of party votes in Congress other half is divided between the two branches is much smaller than that in the House of of the legislature. The President is more like Commons, and it is likely to be very small ly to be recognized as the leader of his party except when some subject of strong party conthan is anyone else. The tendency is for him troversy is considered, then votes on all questo exercise more and more control over legisla- tions tend to become partisan. Most legislation through his right to recommend legislation is accepted simply on the recommendation tion (Const. Art. II, Sec. iii). He may turn the whole force of the party strength to the support of his legislative policy by using the patronage to influence members of Congress, and he may formulate bills upon subjects of great popular interest and appeal to public opinion for approval of his measures. Although such action is criticised as an encroach-head. Of late years a tendency has developed ment on the independent powers of the legislature, it is defended as the best practical means of securing united party action for the fulfillment of party pledges. The legislative caucus (see), either for one house or both together, furnishes a means of reaching a party decision, but it is not always satisfactory since it is too elaborate to be frequently resorted to

of the committee, many members of the house being ignorant of the exact nature of bills offered. The leader of debate for each party must keep himself informed upon the course of business and advise his supporters how to vote on the various measures. If factions exist within the party each will have a recognized

toward the use of party whips after the Engish type. In some way the ordinary member must learn how to vote. He looks to his "bellwether" for guidance whenever an unfamiliar bill comes up and with docility follows the leader when the "ayes and nays" are called.

Senate. The Senate is organized into committees in much the same way as is the House,

PARTY ORGANIZATION IN MASSACHUSETTS

and actual business is conducted in committee | L. Jones, Readings on Parties and Elections rooms. Since the president of the Senate is (1912), chs. ii, vii.

JESSE MACT.

not a partisan officer the guidance of business is placed in the hands of a steering committee PARTY ORGANIZATION IN MASSACHUwho arrange the course of legislation and de- SETTS. Characteristics.-The element of pertermine when bills shall be considered. Al-sonality may well be considered as the leading though the distribution of patronage influences party action in the House to some extent, it is in the Senate that the patronage together with senatorial power over appointments most largely affects legislation (see COURTESY OF THE SENATE).

factor in the political history of Massachusetts. A series of great men, dominated by and drawing their power from great ideas, has embodied the life of the state. This element of individual, personal leadership which has existed in all lines of activity, in literature, in the State Legislatures.-In general organization ology and in ethics as well as in politics, apthe state legislatures resemble one or other pears in both local affairs and state policy. of the houses of Congress, with many varia- The Puritan idea glorifies the individual and tions. Either the speaker or a party commit- lays responsibility upon him. The forms of tee organizes the house and attempts to control local government developed in New England legislation. If party voting is less common have fostered this tendency. The town meeting. in American than in English national assemwith its free discussion of men and measures, blies, it is still more rare in state legislatures, is composed of a group of men who are quite because state issues are overshadowed by na- as much interested in the personal qualificational issues and beyond the election of a tions of the candidates coming before them as Senator or the forcing of a congressional gerry- they are in the parties that appeal for support. mander few strictly party votes are taken. Men trained in the town meeting system of New York state is unique in its large number | local government tend to carry over to their of party votes in the legislature, owing to the | consideration of state and national politics an even balance of parties, the city vs. the country sentiment, and the really important businesses carried on by the state.

attitude of mind which minimizes the party as an organization and exalts the men who represent it. Party organization in Massachusetts is, therefore, in striking contrast to that in states where the more impersonal county system has centralized public attention on measures and organizations rather than on

men.

In a number of states, the legislature shows a tendency to split horizontally rather than vertically, separating in each party the manipulators of the machine from the inexperienced and uncorrupted new members. When such a condition exists the "bi-partisan" control in Everywhere a tendency has appeared to subthe hands of one boss replaces the corporation ject legitimate party organization to the domlobby. Attempts at purification of such legis-ination of a machine which operates rather in latures fare ill unless a strong counter organ- the interest of a boss or a ring than in that ization can be effected, or a reform governor of the people. Such a tendency has shown itbacked by a strong public opinion can be elect- self in Boston and elsewhere in Massachued to coerce the legislature. setts, as in other places, but it has been reSee CAUCUS, LEGISLATIVE, FOR LEGISLATION;│peatedly checked by the real, personal interest CONGRESSIONAL GOVERNMENT; INSURGENTS IN which the mass of citizens in the state continue CONGRESS; LOBBY; MACHINE, POLITICAL; OP-to take in politics. A machine thrives on popPOSITION; PARTY GOVERNMENT, COMPARATIVE; ular indifference; when all candidates are subPARTY GOVERNMENT IN GREAT BRITAIN; WHIP, PARTY.

The

jected to personal scrutiny and are held personally responsible for fulfilling the public will, it can never gain an absolute control. citizens of Massachusetts have a machine, but they recognize it and are determined to weaken its power for harm. This determination has led to a series of laws intended to regulate party action and to minimize the opportunities for corruption in politics. Consequently Massachusetts gives a large amount of statutory recognition to party organization. Legal recognition has been adopted because it ap peared to be the best means of stripping the machine of power, not because it would strengthen legitimate party organization. "The two leading parties" are made practically iden

References: P. S. Reinsch, Am. Legislatures and Legislative Methods (1907); A. L. Lowell, "Influence of Party Upon Legislation" in Am. Hist. Assoc., Report, 1901, I, 319-542, Government of England (1908), I, ch. xxv; J. Macy, English Constitution (1896), 27, 28; J. A. Woodburn, Am. Republic (1903), 270–315; J. A. Smith, Spirit of Am. Government (1907), 192-202; F. Hichborn, Story of Calif. Legislature of 1909 (1909), chs. i-iv, xxviii; J. Bryce, Am. Commonwealth (4th ed., 1910), 1, 157-208, 545-561; M. Ostorgorski, Democracy and Party System (1910), 369-375, 386; W. Wilson, Congr. Government (12th ed., 1896), chs. ii-iv; R. M. La Follette, "Autobiog-tical in form. raphy" in Am. Magazine, LXXII (1911-1912), Legal Regulations. Since Massachusetts is 661-674, et seq.; C. A. Beard, Readings in Am. a state in which annual elections are held, Government and Politics (1911), 247-253; C. the important party committees are also cho

sen annually.

PARTY ORGANIZATION IN MASSACHUSETTS

must have one member elected from each of the forty state senatorial districts. These members are chosen at the senatorial district conventions, except in Suffolk county where the city of Boston is situated. Here the member of the state central committee is chosen at the party caucus or primary election at which the candidate for state senator is elected. In the Democratic party fifteen members are added to the state central committee by the last preceding state convention. Definite laws are laid down for the time and manner of organizing the state central committee. In the same manner state law requires that "each political party shall in every ward and town annually elect a committee, to be called a ward or town committee, to consist of not less than three persons." Their terms of office and date of organization are also specified. A city committee, also required, is composed of the ward committees of the city. Thus "the two leading parties," riz., "the political parties which cast the highest and the next highest number of votes for governor at the preceding election," are required to organize. Any party which at the last annual election polled for governor at least three per cent of the entire vote may organize and receive recognition on the official ballots.

The state central committee | islation, beginning with the Joint Caucus or Primary Election Act of 1903. This act, mandatory for Boston and optional in other cities and towns, requires that all parties hold their caucuses or primary elections at the same time and place and under the same regular election officers. The ballots used are furnished by the city or town. The party connection of each voter is checked on the polling list; participation in a party caucus is taken as prima facie evidence of party membership, which thus becomes a matter of public record. To change his party ties a voter must notify the keeper of the record at least ninety days before the date of the caucus in which he wishes to participate. This insistence upon the party membership might operate against good local gov ernment, if the law did not allow the formation of municipal parties on local issues and the supporting of independent candidates without loss of the right to share in the regular party caucuses. The desire has been to break down undue machine influence within the party and also to prevent corrupt combination between the baser elements of both parties. The system of primary elections provides for nomination by petition previous to the date of the primary. The act of 1909 again made sweeping changes in the election laws and city government of Boston. The whole system of city Other Party Machinery.-Other party com-administration is changed. The mayor is electmittees, although not required by law, existed for four years subject to a recall at the in the eight districts from which are elected the members of the executive council, in the forty senatorial districts, the fourteen congressional districts, and the counties. They exercise the merely formal functions of calling the district and county conventions and have no vital connection with state and town or ward committees. No intermediary exists between the state central committee and the local committee. This close connection between local and state party organization facilitates the carrying over to the larger area of the direct interest in the candidate and his pledges which have so largely influenced local politics in New England. Massachusetts and Pennsylvania.-MassaParty conventions fill a place of much im-chusetts thus, in striking contrast to Pennsylportance in the political machinery of the vania, presents the picture of a “safe” Republistate. All candidates for state office and most can state in which the party organization of candidates for district office and county offices both Republicans and Democrats is practically are nominated by them. These conventions the same-regulated by state law. are mostly a law unto themselves, but one or in Pennsylvania one party has maintained altwo matters are regulated by statute. Four most continuous supremacy since the Civil days must intervene between the caucus for War, but the party of opposition has never choosing delegates and the meeting of the con- been so completely subservient nor so easily vention; this latter must occur at least forty- ignored as in the Keystone state. Massachueight hours before the date for filing nomina-setts Democrats keep up an efficient organizations with the secretary of state. One fourth tion and are occasionally able to capture the of the delegates at a district convention are city of Boston or even the governorship. Since given the right to demand a roll call for the Massachusetts is usually Republican the highnomination of a candidate, and detailed in-est political office to which any of its citistructions are given for procedure in the case. zens can seriously aspire is that of United Primary Laws.-Local party organization is States Senator. In the Senate, as elsewhere, considerably influenced by recent primary leg- the typical personal element appears. Senators

end of two, and a city council of nine is elected at large, three members every three years. The system of ward and precinct and city committees is abolished and all primary elections or caucuses are replaced by "nominating petitions to which at least five thousand names of registered voters must be attached." This act also is optional in other cities and towns, a number of which have accepted it (1912). The object of these and other legislative acts is clearly to strip power from party committees and conventions and primaries and to return it to the people. The machine is constantly thwarted by legislative restrictions.

Here as

PARTY ORGANIZATION IN PENNSYLVANIA

from the Bay State are personal leaders, de- | classes in the commonwealth pointed in 2 pending for their position and continued in- same direction. fluence on their individual response to the will of the voters of the state, and their ability to mould and guide public opinion. They have never had machines back of them strong enough to secure them their positions in the face of real unpopularity at home. To judge from local political literature one might believe that the Massachusetts senatorial machine was far worse than that of Pennsylvania. Denunciation is vociferous and acrid, but the outcry itself reveals a more independent voting constituency than that in the latter state. Massachusetts independents not only know their power but they dare to use it. Nothing shows the fundamental contrast between these two states better than a glance at their senatorial leadership. Pennsylvania has always had but one Senator who is the machine. Massachusetts has always had two Senators of individual influence and of coördinate power owing their position as leaders to their political ability as men, not to their control of a smoothly running machine.

That such unanimity should play into t hands of political schemers was almost in evitable. Business men who had learned th value of the corporation system of organizate: with one man in virtual control naturally & plied their business methods to party organ zation. Thus the boss gained power in state and city and once in control he perpetuated his position and made himself indispensable te the citizens who would not devote time and attention to political affairs. The cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburg were naturally the first fields for political manipulations. A compart organization could be developed, using the spoils of office as rewards for party service. Once a city was organized, the machine inevi tably began to assert itself, corrupting office holders, levying demands upon candidates anl corporations, and finally shifting the whole business of politics from the hands of a people too busy to manage it into those of its own workers, who found personal profit therein. Valuable franchises were sold or given to iaSee Boss; MACHINE; ORGANIZATION; PARTY vored companies. Election returns were falsiLEADERSHIP; PARTY ORGANIZATION IN CALI-fied in various ways. Corruption spread from FORNIA; PARTY ORGANIZATION IN PENNSYL- the cities to the country where at first the VANIA; PARTY SYSTEM IN SURE STATES.

References: F. W. Dallinger, Nominations for Elective Office (1897), 173–195; G. Bradford, Lessons of Popular Government (1899); J. Bryce, Am. Commonwealth (4th ed., 1910), II, 93, 935; E. C. Meyer, Nominating Systems (1902), ch. ii; J. Macy, Party Organization and Machinery (1912), chs. xi, xii.

JESSE MACY.

rewards of manipulation seemed less attractive, The system throve because the people were too busy making money and attending to what they considered their own affairs to watch their politicians.

Republican Organization.-The Pennsylvania method of handling the voter has been exceptionally successful. Formal organization is comprehended almost entirely in the state and county conventions and committees. The RePARTY ORGANIZATION IN PENNSYL- publican state convention is called by the VANIA. Boss System.-Pennsylvania is pre-state committee. Inasmuch as representation eminently the state of a boss. From the United is based upon the Republican vote cast at the States Senate to the most insignificant country district a political organization has spread its ramifying branches. This machine has not been perfected without some struggles, nor has it maintained unbroken control in all parts of its territory; but on the whole, since the Civil | War, Pennsylvania has been operated under the guidance of one man who holds the position of United States Senator from that commonwealth.

preceding presidential election, allowing to each legislative district one delegate for each two thousand votes and one for each major fraction of that number, political leaders in cities like Philadelphia and Pittsburg, with a heavy Republican vote, have a special influence. This natural power is greatly increased by the practice of fraudulent voting and padding of the returns. The state committee is elected by the delegates from the fifty senatorial districts How the Machine Grew.-From 1860 the to the state convention. The permanent chairRepublican party has claimed the support of man of the state convention together with the Pennsylvania through its advocacy of a pro- candidates nominated by it choose the chairtective tariff. A state which was fast develop- man of the state committee. Districts embrac ing mines, railroads and manufacturing, in ing only one county or an area within a counwhich the business corporation began to rule ty are entitled to two members on the commitsupreme, could scarcely fail to advocate a na- tee; other senatorial districts have one member tional policy so clearly favorable to its further for each county. The chairman is also emprogress. Republican control was strength- | powered to name twelve members-at-large, who ened also by the weakness of the opposing or- shall have equal voice in party affairs with ganization, for even the Democrats of the state those chosen by the senatorial districts; hence favored protection, and repudiated, at a critical the committee is clearly under the influence time, the national party policy of free trade. of the chairman. Obviously a committee of a Thus the whole interest of all parties and hundred and twenty or more members cannot

PARTY ORGANIZATION IN PENNSYLVANIA

Through this system of organization true Senatorial Leadership.-The political history democracy with power in the hands of the of Pennsylvania for the last fifty years has people is apparently assured; actually, perfect been a history of its Senators. From the days dictation and control from the state committee of the elder Cameron to the present time one result. The chairman of the state committee of the Senators has always ruled the state. He is in real command from top to bottom of the directs his subservient colleague as he does state machine. Even the organization of the other officeholders. All federal patronage for opposing party is but one more wheel in the Pennsylvania, including that of the great port mechanism. One man rules the state. By of Philadelphia, is distributed through his means of the twelve members at large the chair- hands. This one man machine has nearly alman dominates his huge committee and is as- ways been able to claim and receive cordial sured of a harmonious working corps. The and fairly united support from the state. Not party is managed by one man, like the success- only corporations and men who seek illicit legful business corporation whose board of direc-islative favors contribute liberally to the state tors merely gives force to his decisions. Be- campaign funds, but many rich, conservative fore the public the chairman appears as this powerful administrator; but he almost always makes himself United States Senator and therefore has other absorbing duties. The actual

business men who are honest in their purposes also give the machine hearty financial aid. The rank and file of the party, likewise, stand firmly for the machine which recognizes and