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themselves; that this matter might be rightly examined, the author found, the business proved, and the offender might, by his superiours, be duly committed and punished.

The Dutch governour propounded, 1. The continuation of neighbourly friendship, without either side taking notice of the unhappy differences between their nations in Europe, with continuation of trade, mutual justice against those that should seek to defraud their creditors, because of the differences arisen between the two nations; 2. For the future, to prevent all false reports rising from the Indians. The agents complained that their answers were dilatory, and not direct, though plausible, and at last concluded of accepting their proposals for the future, if satisfaction were made for what is past, and returned answer, that as they would do no wrong, so would they not suffer their countrymen in those parts to be oppressed, they doing nothing to bring it upon themselves. Also before their return, they took several testimonies from sundry persons, declaring just suspicion of the plot, but being taken some of them at the second and third hand, were the less to be minded. Some of them intimated, that the Dutch governour, Ninicraft, and the fiscal, were up in a close room together, sometimes two days, which, if true, could only raise suspicion, but afford no certain evidence.

After this return of their agents, the commissioners had much agitation among themselves before they could agree. At the last it was referred to two gentlemen, each of them to draw up a draught of the case in difference, viz. Mr. Theophilus Eaton, governour of New Haven, on the one side, and Maj. Daniel Denison on the other side; upon the perusal of which it did not appear that the proofs alleged were a sufficient ground for such a procedure, and therefore it was judged best to forbear the use of the sword till the providence of God should by further evidence clear up the case to the consciences of them who were concerned in the determination of that matter; to which the general court of the Massachusetts assented, not judging it expedient for those who came into

America, to preach and profess the gospel of peace, to be over forward to enter into a war with their christian neighbours of the same reformed religion, though of another nation, upon slender, or not any considerable grounds. By this means, the difference was at the last fairly ended, which else might have had a fatal issue to one or more of the colonies.

The Dutch governour, on the other hand, did by his letters complain of the hasty departure of the commissioners' agents, returning also a large declaration in his own defense, adding,

Conscia mens recti fame mendacia ridet.

And upon further consideration, at a meeting in September 1654, the commissioners of the Massachusetts did, under their hands, declare something towards the recalling the court's former interpretation of the articles of confederation, owning that six of the commissioners had power to determine the justice of a war, and did acknowledge themselves bound to execute the same, so far as the said determinations were in themselves just and according to God. This the other commissioners accepted, on condition the general court would declare as much.

But however the colony of New Haven were prevented from engaging the confederate colonies in a war against the Dutch at that time, yet were they not so fully satisfied in their minds, as to desist from other attempts of that nature; for some of the chief of that colony going that year for England, prevailed so far with those at that time in power, that they obtained a commission for certain ships and soldiers to seize the Dutch plantation to the use of the English; and the matter had proceeded so far, that they were with their vessels and soldiers upon the sea; but being long upon the voyage, by reason of many interruptions which they met withal, news of the peace, concluded between the states of Holland and the powers in England, arrived before the fleet, which occasioned the commander in chief to turn his forces another way, viz. to attack the French forts about St. John's river, which was obtained without any great re.

sistance, and those places were thereby reduced into the power of the English, and enjoyed by them, till his majesty now reigning was happily restored to the exercise of his regal power in England. It is said to be carried on without any other commission, than a verbal one, from some of Oliver Cromwell's commanders at sea, which possibly was one reason why it was so easily returned into the hands of them from whom it was taken not long before; nor had it any better success than designs of that nature were usually attended with, that were built upon such a like foundation.

When they attacked those French places, the soldiers occasionally met with a paper of maxims, with which the friars were to be governed in their administration, which may sufficiently satisfy the world with what spirit and principles those of the catholic religion are acted.

CHAP. LXI.

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from 1651 to

1656.

THE platform of discipline, drawn up in 1647 and 1648, was at this time under debate, and at the last it passed the test of the whole general court, both magistrates and deputies, and the practice of it was commended to all the churches of the jurisdiction.

In the year 1651, the general court taking it for granted that the civil power is custos utriusque tabula, interposed their authority in a matter of an ecclesiastical concernment, scil. the choice of a minister by the church of Malden, and passed an handsome fine or mulct upon all of the church that were actors therein, for calling the said minister to his pastoral office, without the consent and approbation of neighbouring churches, and allowance of the magistrates, (if not against the same,) contrary to the approved practice of the country, provided in that case. But upon after thoughts, which usually are more mature than the sudden and first conceptions of men's minds, the people of Malden themselves came to see, and also were willing to acknowledge their miscarriage,

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and thereby gave occasion for others to acknowledge the power of the civil authority in matters of religion, as well as in the affairs of righteousness and honesty, according to the judgment of all sober divines.

And indeed let the experience of all reformed churches be consulted withal, and it will appear, that disorder and confusion of the church will not be avoided by all the determinations, advice, and counsel of synods, or other messengers of churches, unless they be a little acuated by the civil authority. All men are naturally so wedded to their own apprehensions, that unless there be a coercive power to restrain, the order and rule of the gospel will not be attended.

For the preventing of the like inconveniences in the country it was soon after made into an order by the gen eral court, that no minister should be called unto office in any of the churches, within their jurisdiction, without the approbation of some of the magistrates, as well as of the neighbouring churches; on which ground, in the year 1653, the court would not allow the north church of Boston to call Mr. Powell, a well gifted, though illiterate person, to the stated office of a publick preacher or minister; wherefore the people of the town contented themselves with his being called to the place of ruling el der, that so no occasion might be given thereby for illite. rate persons, that were not able to instruct all, and convince gainsayers, to intrude themselves into the sacred function of the ministry of the gospel.

And whereas the plantations of New England had never as yet been acquainted with the way of paying tythes, (which none of the reformed churches ever yet condemned as unlawful, although it was not looked upon as the most convenient for the towns and plantations of New England,) for the support of the ministry in the several towns, it was now left to the power of every county court throughout the whole jurisdiction, to make sufficient provision for the maintenance of the ministry, in the respective towns of the colony, and to rectify any defect, upon complaint of any such, for want of means whereby comfortably to subsist.

CHAP. LXII.

Special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to

1656.

WITHIN the compass of this lustre was the Massachusetts deprived of two eminent and worthy persons, the one in the magistracy, the other in the ministry; which loss was the more to be lamented, in that they left neither of them any one in each of their capacities, equal with themselves.

Mr. Dudley, an ancient gentleman, one of the principal founders and pillars of the Massachusetts colony, was called from his station July 31, 1653, in the 77th year of his age, eminently qualified with those choice virtues, fit for the discharge of the trust, to which he was oft called, and wherein he always approved himself a lover of justice, and friend of truth, an enemy of all disorder, and that always bore a special antipathy against all heresy and corrupt doctrine; which made him conclude his own epitaph with this character of himself, "I died no libertine;" and which gave occasion to a reverend person of the clergy, to honour him with this double encomium, as well of English as Latin poesy :

THOMAS DUDLEY,

HOLD, MAST, WE DY.

When swelling gusts of antinomian breath,
Had well nigh wreck'd this little bark to death,
When oars 'gan crack, and anchors, then we cry,
Hold firm, brave mast, thy stand, or else we die.
Our orth'dox mast did hold, we did not die;

Our mast now roll'd by th' board, (poor bark) we cry.
Courage, our pilot, lives, who stills the waves,
Or midst the surges still his bark he saves.

EPITAPHIUM.

Heluo librorum, lectorum bibliotheca
Communis, sacræ syllabus historiæ,

Ad mensam comes, hine facundus, rostra disertus,
Non cumulus verbis, pondus acumen erat,

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