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civilized world at large, but somewhat ominous in the view of the western powers of Europe, as contributing both directly and indirectly (in the manner explained above) to the augmentation of the influence of Russia. A larger, more generous, and perhaps in the end not less safe and judicious policy would be, to take advantage of the present favorable crisis for the purpose of overthrowing entirely the Ottoman empire, and restoring to civilization and christianity the fine regions that have so long withered under its blasting sway. By a concert of action among the great powers the object might of course be effected at once; and the princely spoils that victory would throw into the hands of the alliance would furnish, one would think, means of satisfying the pretensions of all, with little or no risk of internal dissension. Greece with her islands, the continental provinces of Turkey in Europe, Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine, all Arabia, Egypt, Barbary and Morocco, territories as fertile as any in the world, and as finely situated for the pursuit of every species of industry, would be at the disposal of christian Europe. They might be distributed as provinces among the allies, or erected into independent nations, as might best comport with the general good; but they would become equally, in either case, abodes of knowledge, wealth, and happiness, instead of being, as they now are, the eternal haunts of pestilence, poverty, and wretchedness. What sublime prospects of extended population and improvement would open on the ancient world, could the Mediterranean sea be again, as formerly, encircled by a line of flourishing christian states. This magnificent basin, which forms as it were the heart of the vast body, composed by the three ancient continents, would in that case send forth rivers of strength and prosperity in all directions, and would resuscitate, as if from their sepulchres, the industry, the arts, the population, the wealth, and the liberty, that once adorned these delightful climates. The valley of the Nile would again boast its thousand cities; Barbary would display as of old her three hundred Universities; Palestine would flow once more with milk and honey; the sacred standard of the true religion would take the place of the miscalled Sandjar Sherif on the towers of St Sophia, and a new spring would revive the dead groves of the Academy. Even the christian nations of Southern Europe, which now stagnate in a sort of hopelss decrepitude, under the influence of vicious institutions, religious and political, would feel the effect of this change in a restoraVOL. XXVII.-NO. 60.
tion of their industry and commerce, and under this genial impulse, would recover their ancient prosperity and glory. The remoter regions of Sourthern Africa, on the one hand, and of Arabia and Persia, on the other, would gradually quicken into moral life, and be brought in time within the pale of the civilized world. Such are the prospects that would open upon Christendom in the event of a vigorous and concerted action of all the great powers against the Turkish empire. But we do not, as we have already said, expect that they will now be realized. The not unfounded caution of Great Britain, and the noble moderation of Russia will combine to limit the theatre of the war and its results, within the smallest possible space. Let us then be content, for the present, with the emancipation of Greece, an event which seems to be now beyond the reach of accident, and which twenty years ago we should hardly have thought within the compass of possibility. This, if not the most important, is doubtless the most surpising and agreeable of the various revolutions of our eventful age. The affections of the generous and the good have always attached themselves with a sort of melancholy interest to the soil of this celebrated country, and they are ready to welcome the restoration of its inhabitants to national existence, as they would the return of a lost friend from the grave. In the present altered state of the world, we cannot anticipate a complete revival of the taste and genius of ancient Greece, still less a renewal of her political ascendency; but under the inspiring influence of independence, commerce, and industry, we shall doubtless behold a remarkable improvement in the now deteriorated character of the people, and a rapid developement of all the elements of general prosperity.
We have thus noticed successively the leading points in the present state of the politics of Europe, and the extent of the preceding remarks reminds us that we must bring them rapidly to a close. The point of view which presents these occurrences in connexion with each other, as accidents happening to the different parts of the same great system, opens new fields of observation still more interesting perhaps, than those which we have surveyed. The prodigious ascendency of Great Britain and Russia over all the other powers, even those habitually reckoned as the first rate, the healthy, vigorous, and active constitution of Russia, as compared with the embarrassed and distracted situation of the Western nations, these are traits in the
picture, which strike the observant eye too plainly to be overlooked or mistaken, which are important even to us, and to Europe momentous, perhaps alarming. At other times Austria, France, Great Britain, even Spain and Turkey, have successively kept the other nations in terror, and swayed for a while the sceptre of christendom. Now the Autocrat of Russia rules the ascendant; Great Britain leads the defensive; France follows in the wake of one or the other, while the rest of the powers, including even Austria, are passive spectators. Again; what stability, vigor, and wisdom, on one side! What division, feebleness, confusion, on the other! Behold France, illustrious, beautiful, cultivated France, rent in twain by permanent political dissensions, that can never be reconciled; Russia presenting to the world a compact and undivided mass, or if accidental troubles occur, only making them occasions for new displays of magnanimity and wisdom in the highest quarters. Compare for a moment the generous contention between the Granddukes Nicolas and Constantine, who should not be the emperor of all the Russias, with the paltry five and three per cent. struggles between Messrs de Villèle and de Châteaubriand, each anxious not so much to obtain power himself, as to prevent the other from possessing it. Contrast the correspondence of the highminded Muscovite princes, on the occasion just alluded to, with the debates in the British Parliament, on the several changes in the ministry since the death of Mr Canning. Contrast the tone of the papers and speeches of this justly eminent statesman on the most important subjects, with the decision, depth, and moderation of the Russian diplomacy. We seem to pass from the domain of one of the two great principles which divide the world between them into that of the other, and unhappily the west is not the bright side. The power of Russia is no doubt tremendous, and the steady, untiring march of her military progress must inspire the western nations with serious alarms. While the councils of Great Britain are suspended on the grand question, whether Lord Althorpe shall be chairman of a Committee of Finance, which finally unsettles the government; while France is agitated through all her departments by the momentous debates of half a dozen newspapers, the Russian armies are crossing the Araxes. They dictate peace on their own terms in the second city in Persia. This treaty is, it seems, not ratified, and the next will of course be signed at Teheran. In the meantime, another army is pouring into the Ottoman
Empire, while Count Capo d'Istria, with the title of President, is, virtually in the name of Russia, taking peaceable possession of Greece. These are important movements, and they indicate, as we have said, an extent of power that may justly be viewed as alarming. But it is not the mere possession of this power, portentous as it is, that we think the most formidable feature in the political aspect of Russia. There lies a deeper peril in the high intellectual and moral qualities, by which that power now appears to be directed. Mere brute force destroys itself by its own excesses, or may easily be parried by a skilful antagonist. It is only when enlightened by superior intelligence, and employed in the attainment of noble ends by noble means, that it really becomes irresistible. The sublime moderation of the Russian cabinet, the unexampled magnanimity of the Imperial family, the beautiful concord, the deep religious feeling that pervades all classes of the nation, these are signs of the times,' at which the statesmen of the West of Europe may well tremble; these are engines of aggrandisement, which, if they mean to resist, they must first imitate. 'I was not alarmed,' said a Greek philosopher, in whose presence Cicero had been declaiming, while on a visit at Athens, 'I was not alarmed at the progress of the Roman legions, but I now see that Greece is indeed conquered.' In this remark there was perhaps more professional prejudice than good sense; and a sounder reasoner might have argued, that in giving her arts to Rome, the city of Minerva had recoverd, in some degree, the ascendency which she yielded to the sword of Sylla. But what is excellence in art, considered as an instrument of power, when compared with superiority of intellect and morals? Music, poetry, and eloquence enchant the ear; painting, sculpture, and architecture ravish the eye; but wisdom and virtue are the stability of our times, and the fear of the Lord is our treasure.' The British stock-jobbers forget this, when they say that Russia has no finances. If the Western nations of Europe are at once outdone in force, and eclipsed in intellect and morals by their formidable Eastern neighbor, a mere superiority in the fine arts of life, should they retain it for awhile, will have no tendency to sustain their importance, or secure their national existence.
ART. XII. An Epitome of Grecian Antiquities for the use of Schools. BY CHARLES D. CLEAVELAND. Boston: Hilliard, Gray, Little & Wilkins; and Richardson and Lord. 1827. pp. 177.
A judicious compend of Grecian antiquities has long been a desideratum in our classical schools. All the books on this subject within our knowledge are either too voluminous for the use of schools, or they are like Pennock's and Irving's Catechisms, which, though excellent as far as they go, are too limited for the illustration even of the books used in the common course of studies preparatory for college. The author of the work before us has attempted to fill up the chasm in one department, and has given us a volume of convenient size, containing a brief outline of the principal topics involved in an elementary course of studies in Greek.
The nature and design of the work will be understood by the following extract from the Preface.
'It has been subject of remark and regret among scholars, that Grecian Antiquities should receive so little attention in our preparatory scholars. But the neglect of this essential part of classical study should be attributed to its right cause ;-to the want of a suitable book. Potter, though a most full and learned work, is adapted only to advanced scholars. It is too large and expensive for a school book, and as such, we think, it can never be generally introduced. To the young student it appears formidable; its mythological and historical digressions become tedious; and its long and numerous quotations from the Greek and Latin poets increase its size, without adding much to its value. Robinson, though better than Potter, is still too large for those who have made but little progress in the classics; and Bos is seldom met with in this country.
"The following pages have therefore been compiled for the use of our Classical Schools. The work was suggested by a desire to make accessible to the youthful scholar, a compact and unexpensive manual, for the illustration of his elementary studies: and the task has been executed in the conviction that no such manual existed.'
The materials of this little volume have been carefully compiled from the best authorities, and judiciously arranged after the manner of Bos's Greek Antiquities, which the author has made the basis of his work.