pursue the English to plun ler them; the Hurons ran to escort them after saying many bad things of us. M. de la Durantaye did not overtake the English, who met on their road the Senecas going to meet then to escort them through lakes Erié and Ontario until they were beyond the risk of being attacked by us.

Thus you see, My lord, that the. Senecas and the English understand each other charmingly, and are in perfect harmony and this alliance is made particularly with the army whom M. de la Barre went against, for at the time of his march the Senecas an to Orange to find Colonel Dongan to beg him to take them under his protection, giving themselves over to him by a public Acte which was registered and sent to England, and, then, he caused poles with the arms of England to be planted in all their villages.

Nevertheless, previous to that time we had missionaries there, the first before any Englishman had an idea that there were Senecas there. I annex to this letter a memoir of our Right to all that Country of which our registers ought to be full, but of which we can find no trace. I am told that M. Tallon had originals of the entries of possession (prises de possessions) of many discoveries made in this country, which our registers ought to contain. Doubtless he has given them to my late lord, your father.

Father de Lamberville having given me an account of all the Colonel's intrigues which tended to take the Hurons away from us and to draw off the Outawas, I entrusted him with presents to gain over the principal and most intriguing of the Iroquois to sesure the friendship of the young men who were disposed to be out of humor with us. He arrived in very good season, for all the Nations, assured by Mr. Dongan that the good Father would not return, had assembled and were marching, but his return woke up the Father's party, who by means of secret, which are called here "underground" presents, dispelled the storm.

All the summer has been spent in comings and goings to get back the prisoners, the Outawas wishing to demand them of the Iroquois without my participation, according to the promises of the Senecas to restore them, provided I did not demand them. In fine the Hurons and the Outawas resolved to repair to Cataraqui, and the Onontagués alone have given up their prisoners, the

Senecas saying that theirs did not wish to return home. Father de Lamberville returned here in the latter part of September, he gave me an account of all his cares, and of all his troubles and fatigues. Whatever affection he may have for the mission where he has been stationed fifteen or sixteen years every year in danger of being killed by the Iroquois, he admits himself that nothing is to be done for the mission unless that nation be humbled. This, My lord, is so true that the Iroquois have no other design than to destroy all our allies, one after the other, in order afterwards to annihilate us; and in that consists all the policy of Mr. Dongan and his Traders, who have no other object than to post themselves at Niagara, to block us; but until now they have not dared to touch that string with the Iroquois, who dread and hate their domination more than ours, loving them not, in truth, except on account of their cheap bargains.

Mr. Dongan caresses considerably those deserters of ours whom he requires to execute his designs for the destruction and ́ ruin of our trade by promoting his own. This wakes up our restless spirits and obliges me to manage them, until I shall be in a position to treat them more severely. You will notice, My lord, by a letter of the Colonel's how desirous he is for something from the King which he says is due to him. He is a very selfish man, who would assuredly govern himself thereby if you thought proper; but the fact is he is not the master of those merchants from whom he draws money.

Father de Lamberville has returned with orders from me to assemble all the Iroquois nations next spring at Cataraqui to have a talk about our affairs. I am persuaded that scarcely any will come, but my chief design is to draw [them] thither, (the Jesuit Father remaining alone for he must this year send back his younger brother,) in order that he may have less trouble in withdrawing himself. This poor Father knows, however, nothing of our designs. He is a man of talent, and who says himself that matters cannot remain in their present state. I am very sorry to see him exposed, but if I withdraw him this year the storm without doubt will burst sooner on us, for they would be sure of our plans by his retiring.

I have advices, notwithstanding, that the Five Nations are making a large war party, supposed to be against the Qumiamis and other savages of the Bay des Puans who were attacked this year, one of their villages having been destroyed by the Iroquois; on receiving notice thereof the hunters of those tribes pursued the Iroquois party whom they overtook and fought with considerable vigor, having recovered several prisoners and killed many of the Iroquois, who without doubt pant for revenge. I sent them word, to be on their guard and to have their women and children removed to a distance when they will be required to march to join me. I say nothing to you of what they have done to the Illinois whom they spare not, having since two years committed vast destruction on them.

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Nothing more, My lord, is required to convince you that we cannot hesitate, and that the Colony must be put down as lost if war is not waged next year; they destroy on all sides our allies who are on the point of turning their backs on us if we do not de clare for them. The Iroquois plunder our canoes whereever they find them, and no longer observe appearances. Nevertheless, My lord, in the deranged state of the Colony, war is the most dan gerous thing in the world; nothing can save us but the troops you will send and the redoubts which it is necessary for us to build. Yet, I dare not begin to work at these, for if I make the least movement for these Redoubts, I will assuredly draw all the Iroquois down on us, before I am în a condition to attack them.

The copy I transmit of the orders I have issued for our next year's expedition will advise you of all the measures I have adopted to ensure the success of our plans. The distance is terrible and success is in the hands of God. If you will be pleased, My lord, to take the trouble to read all these orders with the Map which I send, you will perceive all my projects. I have overrated a little the number of the force I shall have with me, in order to give a little more character to our expedition. I cannot draw more than eight hundred militia, one hundred of the best of whom will be required to manage the fifty canoes for convoys. These will do nothing else than come and go during our expedition to transport provisions for our troops and for those

whom we shall station during the winter at the Post which we must occupy either at Niagara or near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat for those of our Indians who will be desirous to harass them during the winter and the following year. Without this nothing effectual will have been done to humble this Nation, for to be satisfied in driving them from their villages and then to retire, is not accomplishing any great thing, as they immediately return and re-establish themselves in their Villages.

As you, My lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war which require that the settlements be contracted, and it is here we must anticipate many difficulties; for in truth the establishment of the Colony would have to be almost begun over again, and this it is which causes me repeat the demand that I have already made for regular troops to support our habitans, and to occupy the posts necessary to be guarded, without which I cannot preserve many points very requisite to be protected; among others Chambly, where I should like to station a strong post, because it is the most important pass to reach the English by lake Champlain. That post will moreover always be a subject of uneasiness to the Indians who would incline to cross the River Richelieu thence to our settlements on the River St. Francis; in addition to which, communicating as it does with that of la Prairie de la Madelaine, would secure, in some sort, all the country from Sorel unto la Prairie de la Madelaine. Reflect again, My lord, if you please, how important is that post of Bout de l'Isle de Mont Real, that of Chateaugué, that of la Chesnaye and that of l'Isle Jesus.

I say nothing, My lord, of all the other settlements that are isolated and without communication, which we must endeavor to secure from insult. Those details, My lord, require considerable troops, which could not fail to greatly advance this country by laboring to draw (resserer) the Colony closer together and make it more compact, by means of forts around which clearances would be made.

All this, My lord, is no trifling work to be prepared. For what certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an enemy

as that Nation which has assuredly two thousand men under arms independent of a large number of other tribes their allies, estimated at twelve hundred? The vast extent of forest into which they will retreat and where Indians alone can pursue them; the uncertainty of the strength of the Indians which we shall have with us; the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off-all these considerations ought to make us reflect on the means of sustaining ourselves in case we should not meet that success we may desire, and which cannot come without a manifest interposition of Heaven for the success of projects so scattered.

It is very certain that were I in a position to be able to send a strong detachment to the Mohawk Country by the River Richelieu whilst I was proceeding against the Senecas, not only should I create considerable alarm among the English which would keep them at home, but I would obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating and pillaging them and laying waste their corn fields at both ends of the Iroquois towns. It would be very desirable, that I could destroy all the corn in the same year, so that the one could no longer support the other; this would reduce them to great wretchedness and would put a burthen on the English, if they sought a refuge there for means to live. Had I a sufficiency of troops I should not fail to undertake that enterprize, but having only what I have, I must attack one after the other, and endeavour to raise another army, which it is impossible to effect at first. 'Tis true, were all done at once it would be much better, and promote our expedition and dishearten our enemies considerably.

I am very sorry, My lord, to witness all the expence necessary for the support of Fort Cataracouy, merely with a garrison of fifty men. It is very unfortunate that the lands thereabout are not better, so that it might support itself. I am not yet sufficiently well informed of the environs to be able to write you with sufficient accuracy all that could be effected there; notwithstanding it is of great consequence to preserve that Post at the entrance to the Lake, though the Posts in this Country do not command the passages so completely that the Savages cannot avoid them, two or three leagues either above or below. Yet that Post, and

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