in civil force, (July 3), denounced "the great abuse of selling liquors to Indians," and says, "not only particular persons are endangered, but the town in general." Finding themselves unable to punish the traders as public enemies, they prove their own weakness, by applying to them epithets which would be deemed indecorous in a public document of the present day. In 1669, (August 19), Williams wrote to Winthrop, referring to an encounter then recent, between Englishmen and Indians.'

"While you were at Mr. Smith's, that bloody liquor trade (which Richard Smith hath of old, driven), fired the country about your lodging. The Indians would have more liquor, and it came to blows," etc. "The Indians" * "are more insolent with this repulse, yet they are willing to be peaceable, were it not for that devil of liquor."

He repeats his declaration that he might have gained thousands (as much as any) by that trade, but God hath graciously given me rather to choose a dry morsel." But Williams was now grown old and poor. He had no trading-house *(since 1651), and could give no more gratuities. His influence with the younger Narragansetts was fading away.

They had learned little of the white man's arts of life. They were of small service to the farmers, and gained no popularity with their wives and families." These found it impossible to teach them those lowly domestic arts, in which the negroes served their apprenticeship in the school of civilization. The Indian women could not be taught to wash English clothes, or to valuable domestic service. The Indian servants,somerender any times mentioned by Williams, appear to have been guides, messengers, scouts, and not domestics. Such neighbours were a heavy burden. Indian notions of peace included little more than absti

5

4

(3) See Wood's "New England's prospect," (Prince Soc. ed.), p. 73.

(4) Perhaps the Indian women who did all the hard work of their own households, thought that this would only be an addition to burdens heavy enough already.

(5) Williams to Winthrop, July 10, 1637. Narr. Club Pub., VI. 37. R. I. Col. Records, 37, 40, May 22, 1649.

nence from torch and tomahawk. They were always prowling about the English villages, and, said Chad Brown,' "stole whatever they could lay their hands on." The housewife of those days, after hanging up the family washing in the sun, had too often the vexation of discovering that she had bestowed her labours, only that an Indian vagabond might sell the domestic habiliments to an unlicensed dealer in strong drink. An Indian peace was nearly as bad as a white man's war.

While all this was going on, Newport was apparently secure in her insular position, and felt little interest in the mainland towns, to which she had been united against her will. Perhaps the only feeling which the people of Mooshassuc and of Acquetneck had in common, was that of cordial dislike. The new religious party which bore sway in Newport, had its representatives in Providence. The "Plantations" had from the first, given full indulgence to the spirit of controversy. Townsmen were obstinate and contentious. Sectarian debates excluded healthier studies. The proprietors and the freeholders waged a lifelong war. Dissensions which interrupted private friendships diverted all thoughts from education, and from the improvements which would have attracted valuable emigrants, and thus have given strength to the town. And now a contro

versy was added, as to the proper mode of conducting the Indian affairs of the colony. The one party-that of Williams-maintained the old position, of firm but kindly dealing with the Narragansetts-with a competent military force to check or to over-awe them-and a politic waiting for events. The other party taught the abandonment of all force for the protection of civil society, while in practice, they prosecuted the same trade as their neighbours, and did nothing for the safety of the state. With all these evils uncorrected or increasing, the people were less observant of them than they had been, twenty or ten years before. They had waited so long for the evil day, that they seem to have persuaded themselves

(1)Ms. of his son James Brown, in R. I. Hist. Soc. Library.

that it would never come. All this while, they were encompassed by barbarians as well armed, and more numerous than themselves. With a colonial government which abandoned them to their fate, with no fortified places sufficient for the shelter of their families, with a country covered with forests concealing marauders and assassins,--the houses built of wood and the whole property of the Plantations exposed in the fields, they could only indulge the Indians, or pacify them, at whatever

expense.

Such a social condition had its natural limit. It could endure only so long as there was territory enough for the concurrent action of two opposite social systems. The old migratory habits of the Narragansetts-their settling upon and temporarily cultivating any piece of ground which pleased their fancy—were of less importance while the Englishmen were few, and had as yet ample room for their permanent and hereditary homesteads. But so soon as their increase of numbers made these conflicting schemes of life impossible, it was certain that there would be a collision ending only in the destruction of the feebler race. One of the most frequent questions which the Indians had asked of Williams was,' "Why come the Englishmen hither?" It was now receiving its answer from every part of New England. The villages of the strangers were appropriating the favorite resorts of the Narragansetts and Wampanoags, and enclosing the choicest meadow lands of the Connecticut valley. After the settlement of Rhode Island, the Indian industries seem to have declined. When they could purchase fire arms, fishing apparatus, vessels of earthern ware, and utensils of iron, they had no farther need of bows, of flint arrowheads, or of stone mortars slowly and laboriously wrought and fashioned by their own hands. They needed only a few days added to their hunting, to gain sufficient supply of skins for the English trading-houses. But now the sawmills and gristmills of the settlers were invading the haunts of the beaver (1) Key, p. 65. 1642.

and the otter, and destroying the ancient fisheries. New highways were piercing the forests, and disturbing the best coverts for game. There was a sad diminution of the supplies for a barbarian mode of life, and the Narragansetts would learn no new one from their English neighbours. Worse than all, the proprietors of the "Plantations" had, in 1665, established their famous old boundary-"the seven-mile line." To the westward of it, a new class of small freeholders was now springing up. From month to month the Indians saw Thomas Olney, and other "proprietors' surveyors," whom from their dignified offices and occupations, they may well have regarded as the chief priests of the Plantations, entering upon their ancient woods, and brooks, and cornlands. These with field-book, chain and compass, amid the profound interest of the beholders, uttered. mysterious words, and laid down boundary lines, squares and angles, with such magical effect, that thenceforth no Indian, and only one white man could ever dwell upon that part of their tribal property again. The like admonitions came from the upper waters of the Blackstone. Everything indicated that if the Narragansetts hoped to retain even a foothold upon their own soil, they should postpone or suppress their tribal hatreds, and act speedily, for the day of the Indians was drawing to its end. As the irritation of the tribes increased, so also did the restraints imposed by the growing power of the English. The New England colonies were often calling the Sachems to explain their conduct, and thwarting their purposes of revenge. It was foreseen that this could not last much longer, and that nothing was wanting but a leader and an occasion to enwrap the whole community in a flame.

The conflagration was at last kindled, not by the Narragansetts, but by the Wampanoags. Though inferior in num

"The north line beginwest, and so to run north John Whipple, Arthur

(1) Providence Town Meeting. February 19, 1665. ning at the bound set, seven miles from ffox's hill to Pawtucket River," was ordered to be run. ffenner, and Thomas Harris, Senr. were appointed a committee to run the line.

He

bers, they were the more active and enterprising, and had been subjected to more rough and peremptory treatment than Rhode Island could venture to employ with the Narragansetts. They had not disguised their resentment, and during several years had been objects of a suspicion which they repaid in full measure.' Rumours of wars projected by Philip were not infrequent. The chief no longer showed a compliant temper. refused to meet the Governor of Plymouth, but “stood upon his guard, with his armed barbarians," and, says Williams, "Taunton, Swanzey, Rehoboth and Providence stood upon ours." The respect for his father's friend yet lingered, and Philip promised to meet the Governor, if Williams could be present as a mediator. He consented. The Governor and the Sachem met. Philip disclaimed hostile intentions and promised fidelity in future. By the good offices of Williams, the war was delayed four years.

During the year 1675, there were again indications of an approaching outbreak. The increasing insolence of the Indians and the unusual frequency of crimes, gave warning that a great public calamity was impending. Massachusetts was thoroughly alarmed. The Governor and Council at Boston despatched three commissioners to the Indians of Narragansett and Coweset. They arrived at Williams's house in Providence on the 22d of June with a letter from the Governor and Council, praying his advice and aid in their negotiations. His strength and influence were not now what they had once been, when, single-handed, he had held back the Narragansetts from a fatal league with the Pequots, forty years before. But within half an hour from the reading of the letter, Williams was on the way to Narragansett. He saw that their mission was hopeless, but he did all that he could. Being only an associate with

(1) See R. I. Col. Records, II. 267, July 22, 1669. Letter to Plymouth in reply to their warning of Philip's conspiracy; also August 30, 1671, p. 379, 408, of the same.

(2) Williams to Winthrop, June 25 and 27, 1675. Narr. Club Pub., VI. 366, 370.