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MORE SO, AS BY SO DOING EITHER OF THEM, INDIVIDUALLY CONSIDERED, WILL BE SOONER OBTAINED. It ought not, methinks, to recommend this factious, or at best foolish cant, against combining our efforts for a new ministry, with efforts for the still greater good, that it is precisely the cant which unfortunately prevailed against more manly reasoning in 1784, when the voice of the people raised to power the pledged champion of the cause, that very minister who first betrayed, and has since unceasingly laboured to enslave them..

On the nation's own conduct, in the meetings of the people at this crisis, will doubtless depend the treatment it will receive. The people, guided by the CONSTITUTION, will know how to respect, and how to be respected. To be attended to, they must pay attention to the situation of their country; and they must not be contented with thinking as others think, but they must follow good examples and act as others act; they must petition; they must address, for the petitioners and addressers can be numbered, but the mere thinkers, the dumb and inactive hopers cannot. In reasoning with any branch of the legislature on grievances that are felt, on rights that cannot be denied, and on the sacred and paramount duties of justice, in language at once temperate and respectful, dignified and firm, they have nothing to fear, but every thing to expect; nothing to lose, but every thing to gain. Tyranny, whether factious or ministerial, is a coward and a bully. A divided and supine nation it insolently tramples on; but union and energy fill it with terror and dismay. Surely then every wise and good man will promote such meet ings, and assist in such proceedings!

On the nations' own conduct, I repeat it, will wholly depend the treatment it will receive. Its grievances will be continued or redressed, as its conduct shall be weak or wise, supine or energetic. If it like not slavery it must crumble to dust the instruments of arbitrary power. If it relish not beggary and oppression, it must scatter to the winds the very elements of despotism and this can only be done through the medium of a constitutional representation; and such a repre

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sentation can only be had, through the medium of constitutional meetings of the people in their towns, cities, and counties, from one end of the kingdom to the other.

But there are your mole-eyed politicians, by whose optic powers great objects are immeasurable, and who can contemplate but one small one at a time; these politicians say, let us contend for the constitutional ministry first; let us have them in power, and then from their wisdom and their purity, every thing may be hoped. Yes, to be sure, their wisdom and their purity, would be mighty recommendations to the factions, who are in possession of the citadel of the state! Let me tell these under-ground gentlemen, who seem to think their enemies see no farther than themselves, that even such wisdom as would have kept America at the side of England, and placed them together in peace and glory, at the head of the civilized world, in the eye of groveJing faction seemed foolishness; and such wisdom as would have warded off from the French revolution, its misfortunes and its crimes, and out of its fermentation, have extracted a balm to have healed the bruises of Europe, by the swinish taste of those grovellers, was rejected as gall and wormwood; and as for purity, send it if you please to the stews and the brothels, to preach repentance; among the woe-worn victims of an amiable passion, it may find converts; but the iron heart of avarice is stealed against relentings: in the seared conscience of the political prostitute, the purity of constitutional principle has no power of exciting a virtuous feeling; not even can the electricity of heavenly eloquence, rouse to one generous vibration the callous nerve of base servility! What! have we no recollection? Has any whig minister, during the last five and forty years who retained his principles, preserved his place? Have virtue and purity raised any man to power, unless to be duped and betrayed?

Those childish imaginations with which it is in vain to reason, we must catch if we can with parables and similitudes. Were a man of war's hull worm-eaten to a honey-comb, and the ingushing of the waters only prevented by a fraudful plaistering of pitch, and by

keeping the ship in smooth water, would you enable that ship to circumnavigate the globe, encountering the fury of elements and the onset of enemies, by giving her a new set of officers without a repaired bottom? Or, had a sound ship fallen into the hands of pirates, to what end send her your best pilots? Would the pilots controul the crew, or the crew controul the pilots? And unless they themselves became pirates like the rest, would they not be again set on shore, or put in irons, or cast overboard?—No, no: We must cease the folly of sitting down with folded arms, and praying to Jupiter to get our cart out of the mire; but every man put his shoulder to the wheel, or pull before, or push behind; and then we shall succeed.

Too long has the body of the English nation been criminally passive, as to the hands in which the government of their country shall be placed. Too long has this much injured nation resembled a fertile plain, the subject of perpetual contest between Tartar tribes: Too long have alternate factions dealt out among themselves and partizans, the offices and the wealth of the state, as the successful Tartars divide the fruits, and luxuriant pasturage for which they draw the sword. It is time the nation, taught by its sufferings, became more rational, and exerted a better spirit, than thus to be preyed upon. Tis time it taught the proud sons of misused wealth, tis not a weight of rotten boroughs, but of solid personal and constitutional virtues, must be put into the scale of their pretensions, if their object be power; and that seats of legislation for England are to be obtained, not by the merits of polished stones in park walls, of painted posts in a meadow, or of toftsteads at the bottom of the sea, but by knowledge, diligence in public business, and patriot virtue.

More than forty years long have we miserably wandered in the wilderness of faction and oppression, and if we mean to enter the promised land of the constitution, and to possess it, shall our Joshua, and a few captains alone go to the battle, to be given into the hands of the enemy? Nay; let the PEOPLE pass with them over Jordan, and then shall faint the hearts of these Canaanites, these sacrificers of their own posterity to Mam

mon and Moloch! Then shall there remain no more courage in these usurpers of our rights, these invaders of our liberties!

When we read of canibals who eat alike their cattle, or their captives, or of the ancient Canaanites, who sasrificed their sons and daughters unto devils, the mind revolts with disgust and horror; but trifling in fact has been the destruction of our species by such means, compared with that, by the carnage of war! What then is unjust war, with all its voracious harpies, but aggravated canibalism, in which wicked men, instead of eating their prisoners, devour their countrymen? instead of giving to superstition a few individual victims, sacrifice to avarice and ambition, their own children, their kindred, their countrymen by hundreds of hecatombs, by tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands!

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Against the voracious borough harpies of our own country, and against the Northites, the Pittites, the Melvillites, and all the Mammonites, those canibals of our own disastrous day, let then our disgust and indignation be turned ! From the borough harpies we have lately heard much of "the long and faithful services" of a certain person now under a cloud, meaning I suppose his services to them; for he had his " full share" in Lord North's war, as well as in Mr. Pitt's war.

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As the court and borough LEGION, like that which once possessed the swine, may truly say, we are many, many I know will be offended at what I say; but it is because they are many, it is the more needful to speak. Let England but listen, the unclean spirits may rave! Let my country but raise its awful voice, they will be

cast out. That voice, in its very whisperings, has already struck torment and terror to the LEGION's inmost soul. Not the factions' collected force, not all its tactics and artillery, not the voice of its charmer, nor the wonder working operations of his secret service enchantments, could save it from the calamity of two signal defeats, in which it was covered with wounds and with infamy. Deeply stricken,let the victors but follow up their blow, it shall no more rally. Crest-fallen, and smitten with a panic terror, the faction shall no where be more able to face the "county power," led on by patriot leaders, than Lord Castlereagh has been able to face them in Downshire. Let the counties then continue to assemble, and no respite be allowed the foe until a surrender at discretion lay the whole LEGION, at the feet of their iujured country! and until the most evil of all the evil spirits shall not dare to offer other counsel to him, in whom resides the nation's executive majesty, than to put from him a disgraced ministry;" nor an English. man shall be found at once so depraved and so daring, as to hold up an unclean hand against washing away the defilement of parliamentary corruption, and saving his country by means of A SUBSTANTIAL REPRESEN

TATION OF THE PEOPLE, IN THE COMMONS HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT, AND PARLIAMENTS OF CONSTITU TIONAL DURATION,

Perhaps, my Lord, before closing my arguments in favour of such a reform, I cannot do better than bring together three very eminent men, meaning Doctor Franklin, Lord Chatham, and Mr. Burke. The venerable philosopher, "to whose ability and persevering "virtue, the American states are principally indebted "for their political salvation," says as follows:

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1 Wyvill's polit.pa.III, 368. Where the Editor also says, " But highly Ĭ as esteem the wisdom of your opinion and advice, I place a still "higher value on that philanthropy, which has induced you to "bestow so much attention on this snbject, in the midst of your many urgent avocations, when just on the point of leaving Europe. "to return to America. I consider this not only as a mark of your general benevolence, but as a proof that your peculiar good-will to England, lately our common country, has neither been dimini"shed by any personal disgust, nor impaired by the hostilities of an unhappy civil war."

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