seems natural for they have little to gain and must stand much adverse criticism. Also, as far as the motives to exertion are concerned in the general body, Communism has no advantages which may not be reached under private property." The Malthusian doctrine whose terrors have incited so much of persistence in social changes will not come to be a terror here, for no prudential reasons will limit the number of children, if all are moderately sure of support by the body politic. The incentives to production are much lowered. The spur to invention is removed. Many of these difficulties might be avoided by the nationalization of the land, and yet such a measure involves a strong central government and its possible tyrannies.

It has been remarked that Mr. Spencer's theorem that a movement from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous characterizes all progress, is fatal to the success of Socialism.

Considering this movement in our modern civilization, the unwonted direction of its efforts coming as it does mainly from the aggrieved classes should be noticed. It aims to construct the foundations of society de novo. Its objects are worthy and radical enough to satisfy the most exacting. It also runs in parallel lines with the hope of the age that the reign of universal peace and brotherhood may come. There may be

furthermore said in its favor that the certain modification of social conditions in the near future as civilization and intelligence become wide spread, may contribute to make some of its problems less difficult. The advance in practical invention ist already doing marvelous work in the changing of social conditions. Note the efforts in coöperation which is an indication of the need of social reform and a means of averting its perils. Looking at the movement with reference to the various theories brought forward in its behalf while yet it is in doubt whether Political Economy is a science or an art or both, it is not uncommon to hear that the science of Political Economy is independent of ethical considerations. It is a science, its laws are uniform like the laws of nature, they can be calculated. Malthus has an arithmetic of despair and Proudhon an arithmetic of destruction. Morals are relegated to another sphere. This idea pervading the social philosophy is decidedly erroneous, for as long as men are as they are to-day, self

interest, benevolence, fraudulent competition will inevitably enter into and modify economic laws and social conditions. This idea is allied to the materialistic philosophy of the day, ignoring the transcendent force of the will as a factor in progress, and assuming too much for induction through material facts and forces.

On the other hand it is claimed also that Ethical progress is dependent on Economic reform, a complete shifting of ground. It seems wholly erroneous to suppose that ethical reforms, radical in their nature, are to be run through economic influences. Although there is a modifying effect, this idea is a renewal of the natural order of things-subjecting the immaterial mind to the material force-as a stronger power. The world is not quite ready to believe this. It is seen, moreover, that with the fullest carrying out of economic conditions, consequences of wealth and its accompaniment of luxury and

crime ensue.

There seems to be one fallacy running through all the Socialistic arguments, that of expecting more virtue in society as a whole than in the individuals composing it. A great difficulty looms up before these earnest men, that is, in adjusting the claims of a complete individual sovereignty with the requirements of social benevolence. The philosophers agreeing as yet, that man is a very selfish animal, the absence of any strong religious element in Socialism cannot fail to be noticed. Obtaining its conception as it undoubtedly does from Christianity with its teaching of brotherly love, it yet fails to make use of the chief regenerating power in human society. It is partly a revolt against forms of Christianity, overgrown with political and traditional beliefs. Says the author of Underground Rus sia: "Among people in Russia with any education at all, a man who is not a materialist, a thorough materialist, would really be a curiosity,"*-and further, the Nihilist (who is an Anarchic Socialist), seeks his own happiness at whatever cost. His ideal is a reasonable realistic life. "The Revolutionist (the Socialist in action), seeks the happiness of others at whatever cost, sacrificing for it his own. His ideal is a life full of suffering and a martyr's death."

* Underground Russia, p. 7.

One

De Laveleye, the Belgian Economist, characterizes this movement as the European terror; "it may be compared to an incandescent lava which from time to time bursts through the stratum which hides it from view." With the claims of the Collective Socialists in France, almost any one can sympathize. They are substantially as follows, as quoted by Laveleye: day of rest weekly; eight hours' work; children under 14 years. not to be employed in factories; a legal minimum of wages to be fixed every year, according to the local price of provisions (a difficult matter to arrange); State schools; equal wages for the two sexes; society to provide for old people and invalids; the masters to be held responsible for all accidents . . . . abolition of indirect taxation, to be replaced by a progressive tax on all incomes which exceed 3,000 francs, $600.00; suppression of all indirect succession and of all direct succession, exceeding 20,000 francs, $4,000.00; reconstitution of communal property; unemployed funds to be used in building houses for workmen, to be let to them without profit to the Commune. Many of these claims are acknowledged by us as fair, and are in happy working here. Others await the crucial test of experiment.

The radical efforts of the Anarchie Socialists, the Nihilists of Russia, with their policy of dynamite and destruction, win but little encouragement from thoughtful people, while at the same. time they are not insensible to the oppressions under which they groan.

The new cry of Nationalization of the Land is a part of the Socialistic programme. An indication of the rapidly growing interest in Socialism is the fact, unprecedented with reference to a work on such a subject, that Henry George's "Progress and Poverty" has been sold in England to the number of 80,000 copies in the last year. In the United States there are 200,000 members of labor organizations who are more or less familiar with the doctrines of Socialism.

It is the coming question which it is necessary that every thoughtful Christian man should earnestly consider. To Christianity the Socialist does not look. belonging to the childhood of the race.

It is outgrown

To the religious

element it appeals not at all. To united efforts of good men to crush out vice and crime, it lends no helping hand. These methods of promoting human welfare are out of date. The world has gone beyond them. It becomes, then, the duty of Christendom to educate more strongly in the doctrines of brotherly love; to make of this vast movement an ally, not an enemy. It is young and strong. No better indication of this can we find than the fact that the Vatican endeavors to crush it. It will be a sorry day for the Christian church when it finds itself out of sympathy with the common people who heard the Master gladly, and a sorrier day for the world. Says Socialism, proudly, The world progresses. Yes. Will the church welcome progress? Yes. But science makes rapid strides. Yes, that we know. It builds its universities along side the churches. Yes, true indeed, but Christianity is the very beating heart of progress; it welcomes all advance, it does not lament, it rejoices, even though the steam tug plows the waters of the sacred Lake of Tiberias.

ARTICLE IX.-NOTICES OF NEW BOOKS.

THE GROUNDS OF THEISTIC AND CHRISTIAN BELIEF.*-The very name of the author of this volume is a warrant that it will possess certain characteristic excellences in a noteworthy degree. There is no need, then, to repeat the precise words of praise and welcome with which the majority of the reviewers have come to greet each new work from the pen of Professor Fisher. It may be taken for granted that this book, like its predecessors from the same source, will be candid in spirit, comprehensive and accurate in learning, but without pedantry, and clear, concise, and elegant in style. We confine ourselves, therefore, to indicating very briefly some of the particular wants which it is designed to meet, and also some of the particular claims which it, therefore, makes upon the attention of the readers whom it addresses.

This latest book of Professor Fisher is, more than any previous book by the same author, designedly and avowedly apologetic. It is true that a considerable part of all the work so well done by the same hand, has carried upon it the stamp of so-called apologetics. But this book is from beginning to end, in its entire plan and in the details of its execution, a "Defense," an "Apology" (see p. vii.), a plea for the rational and validly historical nature of Christianity. Its value and excellence will depend, then, in the first place, upon the answer which is given to the question, Whether there is a real want for works apologetic of Christianity, and whether it is a helpful and dignified employment of the resources of Christian scholarship to produce such works; and, in the second place, upon the answer to the question, Whether this particular book-its design being assumed to be worthy-worthily meets the above-mentioned want. In other words: Is it a fit task for broad and fair Christian scholarship to undertake the direct and intentional defence of Christianity? and, Is the book of Professor Fisher successful in accomplishing its intended task?

It is scarcely necessary to argue the question whether there is in these days a real want for an avowedly apologetic treatment of

*The Grounds of Theistic and Christian Belief. By GEORGE P. FISHER, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale College. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1883. 1 vol. 8vo. Price $2.50.