THE BRISTOL RIOTS,

THEIR

CAUSES, PROGRESS, AND CONSEQUENCES.

PART I.

ACCOUNTS of the Bristol Riots have already appeared; but they have been considered either defective in information or delusive in their spirit-as written too near the events, or to serve purposes of local feeling. But the Bristol Riots perhaps less belong to local than to general history; and, even among the records of these important and stirring times, will be viewed and referred to with a deep interest. The writer of the following pages, therefore, is aware that he is treating a subject of great moment; that his Narrative can only acquire a value from its truth; and he has strenuously endeavoured that his statements, whatever may be his arguments and conclusions, shall be correct. He makes no apology for occasionally adopting, in their very language, such authentic documents as have already been published. Nor can he withhold the expression of his admiration for at least one account, that taken from the "Job Nott" paper, under the signature of Nehemiah, which, had it been somewhat more extensive, would have left no task to be performed.

B

In treating this subject fairly, it will be necessary to shew what was the general or the predominant political feeling at Bristol, up to the very moment of that sudden impulse, which brought Earl Grey's Ministry into office; and what change that impulse, and the consequent measures of the new Adminstration, effected. For the former purpose, it will be required to make a few remarks upon the state of Parties in that city; and it will appear evident, that had not the most violent alteration taken place in the public feeling of large masses of the citizens, Bristol would never have been disgraced by the encouragement, nor deformed by the horrors of the riots.

› Besides the distribution of parties into Whig, Tory, and Radical, common to Bristol with nearly every part of the kingdom, two others, though not political, must be mentioned—the Corporation, and a Party opposed to some of their measures.

The first of these two are the local... Magistracy, composed of persons of various political opinions, and may contain a mixture of Tories, Whigs, and Radicalsand such likewise is the composition of the party opposed to them. These two are strictly local; nor would they come within the scope of this narrative, had not the differences between them engendered heats, which, however harmless in other times, in those of unprecedented and unlooked for excitement must have had a tendency to weaken the influence of the Magistracy, and are perhaps now regretted, on this account, by the greater part of the persons who were concerned in them.

It is but fairness to the Magistrates that the facts and tendency of this controversy should be mentioned, other

wise the public could not arrive at a right estimate of the performance of their duties. For it is but reasonable the public expectation from Authorities, in this respect, should be measured by the power they possess.

Of the three political parties, the Tory was unquestionably the most influential and numerous; in proof of which it may be only necessary to refer to the general election of 1830.

Nor can the great respectability and influence of the Whigs be denied. As if, by a tacit consent, these parties were unwilling, for mere party purposes, to try their respective strength; and without any dereliction of principles on either side, they may be said to have been on the best understanding with each other. Thus for instance, at Mr. Davis's election, in July 1830, a very great proportion of the Whigs gave their second votes to the Tory Candidate. Indeed it appeared evident, that the Whigs were nearly as much disposed to support the Government, and were as adverse to the Radicals, as the Tories themselves. And the mention of this circumstance renders it not very necessary to say much about the strength of the Radical party. Without a question it contained some respectable persons, strongly inclined to Republican views; but the mass were composed of all shades of political opinion and all grades of character, downward to the worst extreme, of dissentient and unsocial parts, having little in common except a real dislike to both Whigs and Tories; all agreeing in a desire for change, and though ready to join either, to further their own ends, too undisguised, and it may be said too honest or too bold in their opinions, either to conceal their ultimate views, various and inconsistent as

they were, or their real hostility to which ever party might call them into action. The peculiarity of the Radicals is, that having no one leader, and no one set of principles, they receive under their denomination the discontented, the unsuccessful, who are ever inclined to ascribe to any thing but themselves their failings,the dissolute, who are naturally averse to the checks of law and religion,—the mass without political knowledge, -men of inflamed passions and little understanding and education-the envious of the rich,—the turbulent,—the idle, who would prefer the chance of plunder to the toil and humble gain of industry, profligates of every description, the refuse of society; and all, with their several undigested notions and views, seek an importance by attaching themselves to a party, which they find opposed alike to Whig and to Tory; which opposition may in fact be considered the only principle of their junction. It is evident that this peculiarity, in times of legislative integrity, when Whig and Tory, and the large community who mix in political party, are all against them, constitutes their weakness, but in times of excitement, their strength-for they acquire a numerical force in proportion to the heats and divisions among the two great parties, and become formidable in their attempts to disturb the peace of society. It is true their triumph has hitherto been but temporary, yet the irruption (although contemptible as to any permanent or ultimate effects on the British Constitution or British loyalty,) has often before inflicted very serious injury on the property and lives of the loyal and welldisposed in detached districts and towns; but the first healing of State divisions has hitherto put an end to

them. Until lately, any attempt to attach these to either the Whig or Tory party, for the sake of their physical force, would have been considered by all, as if by mutual consent, adverse to the real political principles of both, and a parricidal act against the Constitution.

It was not likely, therefore, that they would make proselytes from the ranks of Whig or Tory; and as both agreed in considering Radical opinions utterly subversive of the Constitution, no alliance was attempted. The powerful aid they might have given to either party, had the balance even been nearly equal, would have been a triumph to themselves; yet by themselves, though they might and did collect tumultuous assemblies, they had no efficient political power.

This, probably, was not the state of feeling in Bristol only, but it was that of the country at large; for the population do but follow broadly the great distinctions of party in the State ;—and it is wonderful how strong is this disposition of attachment, which will often keep together a party when the principles upon which it has been formed, and on which it may have acted for ages, shall have been scattered to the winds by some bold innovator, commanding the admiration of the rest, and taking the lead. When leaders are of powerful minds, it is easier to depose principles than men. Thus it will be observed how nearly the remark that have been made upon the conduct of the great and leading Whig party in the State, are applicable to their adherents in Bristol. Out of attachment to their leaders, they are forced upon the same inconsistency, and with an esprit de corps, rather than reflection upon their principles, seek in ingenuity and sophistications to