PART III.

There is no need to enter into any detail of intermediate proceedings, of little importance to the subject, but proceed at once to the Reform Bill, the great measure and cause of popular excitement, brought forward by the new Administration which, in point of time, so shortly followed the meeting at Bristol that has been described.

And here some further specimens of the deluding oratory of the system of agitation will be shewn ; and it may be worth remarking, that Queen-Square, the place where the most inflammatory speeches were delivered, was not more the scene of outrageous deeds, than of words.

But a few preliminary remarks are required, that the citizens of Bristol, whether orators or actors, may not bear all the blame. There will be, without doubt, sufficient laid to their charge. But they had their supporters and instigators, and these must be brought to the investigation-for it was an extraordinary combination that was able to effect such a condition of things, as should leave the second city in the kingdom for days to the merciless unrestrained fury of an incendiary populace.

The Reform Bill was proposed to the Legislature by the Government, with a confession of its dangerous tendency. It was admitted by Lord J. Russell to be a perilous experiment.

It may be here fairly asked, why was a measure of admitted danger brought forward; when the country had a right to expect that such measure having been so long the favourite premeditated scheme of the party in power, -having received the sanction of their matured judgment, their increased experience,—and above all, having been so frequently, unhesitatingly, and urgently pressed upon unwilling Administrations, and a people unusually sluggish in apprehending its advantages, (for during the last forty years it made no progress in the estimation of the public, except in times of peculiar excitement from other causes, and "the people" still persisted, in common with the whole civilized world, in their admiration of the Constitution of England,) why, it may be asked, was a measure, which had all these advantages of time, judgment, and experience, for the due concocting it, not fully divested of every thing like danger? If it was not in the nature of things that it should be exempt from peril, why was it not so laid before the Legislature, that every peculiarity and mischievous tendency might be eradicated or amended? Why was it put forth with dictatorial authority? "We acknowledge it to be fraught with peril, but you shall not touch an iota of the component parts. You shall pass it-whole -we will not allow of alteration or remonstrance." This, indeed, was to exhibit a proud bearing to the world-but it is not the audacious front that always indicates confidence and soundness at the heart. If it proceeded from courage, was it not a courage borrowed from their supporters? It was a confession of a degrading truth;-they had discovered their own weakness, that their administration could not stand a month,

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that it was sinking fast into universal contempt; and in their zeal to maintain their party in place they sought a coalition with the Radicals and the populace. They did what no Government ever did before,-called in as judges between them and their more honourable opponents, the low rabble, the desperate physical force, whom, if they professed to be a Government, it was their first duty to restrain. These, however, were not to be won without a bribe. The bribe was large-it was political power. It was power-the power of a large dominion. It partook of the nature of that last and strongest temptation of Satan, when he offered "the kingdoms of this world and the glory of them." The coalition was perfected—and every old Whig principle was swept away in its potency. Whig principle would

have recommended a deference to a Parliament that had so scrutinized and thrown open to public gaze "the Civil List,"—that had rejected a Tory Administration, and called the Whigs into power. But no-it was the fiat of the "sovereign people" that the Bill of the bribe should not be questioned. Hence the boldness assumed the dictatorial decision of the Ministry. Turn them out of the House, said the people, if they dare to hesitate to suggest the slightest alteration. The fiat is obeyed. Is the Parliament dissolved on account of any evil suggestion it dared to give? Quite the reverse; for the recommendation for which it was nominally ejected, is adopted. There must be a Parliament of the new coalition power-and the farce of an appeal to the "sense of the people" is enacted. The sense of the people is of course in agreement with the promises held out to them. Delegates, pledged,

chained down not only to the Bill, but to every measure, however mischievous, of foreign or domestic character, until the Bill shall have passed, are returned to a British Parliament, at the instigation and under the unprecedentedly exercised authority and influence of the Whig Administration. But the Whig principles are sacrificed-they are positively extinct. The new principles are dominant,-dominant alike over the Ministers who, in their envy, admitted them to a parley, and over the best, the Conservative, interests of the country.

These new principles, so directly contradictory to the old and many of them sterling good Whig principles, must be forced by a hired Press upon the Executive, lest they dare retract; and with the aid of the name of Government, must be forced upon the admiration, or at least adoption, of all classes.

For civil and religious liberty, a reign of terror must be commenced. If a Tory appear at an election, the cry is that he must be struck down. The Parson must be first insulted, and then crushed. The name of the King must be sent forth on errands of sedition and treason against the Constitution. The delegate Commons dare not oppose the Bill. If the Peers dare oppose it, they must be threatened with annihilation. If the Bishops, they must be dismissed from their seats, and held up to the execration of an infuriate mob. The Church is against it-rob her of her tithes, and reduce her Ministers to the condition of parish paupers. Peers, Magistrates, Clergy, Gentry-all shall obey-or they shall not be fit to live. And (is it to be believed?) these mandates-from the foul and slanderous breath of a malignant tyrant mob—are received, are furthered, are forced into execution by the Whigs!

Is there no generous spirit yet amongst that once proud body to break this unnatural bondage, and be free-to demand of their leaders the charter of their party, and to record in protestation the principles of their foundation? Insecurity of property, the reckless annihilation of Civil Rights, and the desecration of Religion, are not in their charter.

To them, in the moments of cool judgment, may the Conservatives appeal, and not without hope, that after their transgression they will hear a better voice "in the cool of the day, and be afraid." Let them join the

phalanx that still stands firm to the Constitution, and this detestable tyranny will be of short duration. The "will of the people" here, is not the old will of the people, which they would have maintained. The people of England are not " the people" of the Bill.* The cry for the Bill might even have been ten times greater, yet

For who are the people of England? Certainly not the wretched, vitiated mob, which is always found, when adverse circumstances encourage the demagogue to call it forth, in those districts where vicious indulgence and bad habits render a crowded population fit fuel for the incendiary to inflame. Yet it is this description of persons to which factious orators, nay the Whig Administration of this great country, lately gave the honoured name of the people of England. On the contrary, the people of England are composed of all the "ranks, orders, and classes of the social community established in England, who, with their connexions and dependents, have a deep interest in the well-being of this organized system, as it is regulated by laws and ordinances, either subsisting for time immemorial, or framed by authorities constituted upon principles which have subsisted for time immemorial;"-while these tumultuous assemblies, to which the name of the people has been given, are mere excrescences,-aggregates of disaffected members,which hang loose on society, and which, as exhibiting themselves in tumult and intimidation, are in direct hostility to the people; and in the opinion of every honest and Christian man, ought to be coerced by the laws of the people.