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that, in view of past experience, such a Congress is the only hopeful means of removing this great evil.—And we may add, that this opinion is by no means a novel one, if we may judge from what has repeatedly taken place in Europe in relation to this very subject. It is well known, that it was discussed by the great powers of Europe assembled in the celebrated Congress of VienSubsequently, in December of 1817, a Conference was held in respect to it at London, by the plenipotentiaries of Austria, France, Great Britain, Russia and Prussia. A subsequent conference was held by the same great powers, at the same place and on the same subject, in February of 1818. At the last named Conference, Lord Castlereagh read a note, in which he stated, among many other things, that the parties, engaged in the trade, had adopted the practice of carrying it on in armed and fast sailing vessels, which menaced with destruction, by their piratical practices, the commerce of all nations on the coast of Africa. He stated further, that the system of obtaining fraudulent papers, and concealing the real ownership was conducted with such address as to render it easy for the subjects of all states to pursue this traffic, so long as it should remain legal to the subjects of any one state; and accordingly the Portuguese slave-trader, when it had become unlawful for him to appear north of the Line, had concealed himself under the Spanish flag; and the American and the British dealer in slaves had in like manner assumed a foreign disguise. He further gave it as his opinion, that nothing could cope with this abominable traffic, under the then existing state of things, but the vigilant superintendence of an armed and international police, established under the sanction and by the authority of all civilized states.* The sub

* See Report of the African Institution and statements in the Christian Observer, 1819; also R. Walsh's Appeal, p. 378.

ject of the Slave Trade was subsequently taken up, and occupied much time and attention in the Congress of Aixla-Chapelle. But the measures proposed to be taken, were obstructed by the difficulties attending the proposition of a mutual right of search and detention. It appeared that this proposition could not be generally acceeded to, but the discussion of it gave rise to a proposal on the part of Russia which is worthy of notice here on account of its approximating on a small scale to the principles and results of a permanent supervisory administration extending to all countries. The proposal was to this effect; for the purpose of suppressing the slave trade, there should be a supreme council constituted, in which all Christian nations should take a part, the seat of which should be a central point on the coast of Africa; That this council should have the control of an adequate maritime force, maintained for the purpose of effecting the great object in view; That there should be a judicial tribunal judging all crimes relating to the slave trade according to the law established by the Supreme Council, by which also the sentences of the judiciary power might be revised; That the Supreme Council and its agents should be allowed the right of visiting and detaining vessels, as one means of fulfilling their great object; And that an account of its administration should be rendered to the Congress or Conference of nations concerned in its establishment.

In view of what has been said, there are a few things, which it is proper briefly to remark.

I,-In order to stop the slave trade entirely, there must be a union and concurrence of all civilized nations. The history of the trade has sufficiently shown, that, if one nation holds out in opposition to the measure, the benevolent efforts of other nations will be rendered essentially abortive. When, in accordance with the treaty

of Paris of 1814, the Slave trade was recommenced in France, immediately foreign capital was placed at the disposal of French agents; foreign ships and seamen sailed under the French flag; slaves, that were legally introduced into French colonies, were illegally smuggled into others; and as far as wretched Africa was concerned, it was at once evident, that it would hardly be worse for her, if the trade were thrown open to the whole world. And thus it will always be, while the slave trader is protected by a single national flag. It follows, therefore, in reference to this matter, that there must be a combined action. How such a concurrence of action, to which all nations shall be parties, can be brought about, does not appear, except by means of an international assembly.

II,-In order to stop the slave trade, there must be a pacific and just policy, extending to all the interests and relations of that trade, substituted instead of military and naval force. The experience of many years has abundantly shown, that the evil is not likely to be soon terminated by violent measures. The number of

those, who are transported from Africa, may perhaps be slightly diminished by such measures, but not greatly; while their sufferings are very much increased, in consequence of the counteracting measures, which the slavedealers are obliged to resort to.

III,—The first measure to be taken, then, in order to secure this great object, would be, by appeals to reason and humanity, to induce each and every nation, represented in the Congress of nations, to abandon the trade in its own behalf and for its own citizens. This could be more easily done by the concurrent influence of many nations united together, than by their separate action. The power of truth and justice is great; and it would be strange indeed, if a nation could long sustain

itself, in the presence of the assembled wisdom of the world, in maintaining the defence of the iniquities of the slave-trade.

IV,--But every one must see, that, even if this measure were effected, it would not necessarily destroy the slave-trade. The temptation to human cupidity may, under certain circumstances, be so great, as to set absolutely at defiance all internal and municipal regulalations. In order to the entire and permanent extinction of the slave-trade, slavery itself must be destroyed. This would necessarily bring before this great assembly one of the greatest questions pertaining to the cause of humanity, viz. whether man can hold property in his fellow-man. And one thing is certain, whatever opinions they might hold on this subject, that the slave trade can never be entirely abolished, until slavery, which is the great source and supporter of it, shall cease.

V,-Nor is this all. The human race owe a great debt to Africa, which enlightened justice and humanity call loudly upon them to pay. The world has been her oppressor, and the world, (at least the civilized and christian world,) are called upon to redress the wrongs they have done her, by sending her letters, the arts, the elements of an improved jurisprudence, enlightened principles of government, and the Christian religion. If nations would put an end to slavery, let them think of this.

And here we have a word further to say. Whether a Congress, composed of all civilized States, shall be assembled or not, and whatever course may be taken in other matters, touching international law and usages, we cannot but hope, that the cause of suffering Africa will not be wholly abandoned, neither by states, nor by individuals. Most earnestly would we implore the attention of all persons to her sufferings, who are in any degree capable of appreciating them. Let the Christian

offer his supplications; let the statesman weigh well his responsibility to his God and his country; let the rich devote of their substance, and let the poor boldly speak out their heartfelt testimony, not only to aid in terminating the miseries of Africa, but to gild the return of her better and brighter days by planting civilization, religion, and liberty throughout all her coasts. We appeal to those especially, who believe in an overruling Providence. Have we not a Father in heaven? Does he not clothe the lily, and hear the voice of the lions in the wilderness, and feed the young ravens when they cry to him? Does he not watch the falling sparrow, and number the very hairs of our heads? And can it be possible, that he has forgotten poor, suffering, insulted Africa? Every believer in christianity will reject the unworthy thought. Whoever else may have been blind, one eye at least has seen the fires kindled upon her coasts; whoever else may have been deaf, one ear at least has been open to the heart-rending cries of her children. He has walked abroad on the ocean, and has followed in the track of the slave-ship, and has marked, one by one, his beloved offspring, as they have been thrown alive into the depths of the sea. With all the compassionate tenderness of a father he has marked their despairing countenance, their uplifted hands, their heartrending exclamations. Filled with indignation, he has cast his searching eye upon great and light-hearted cities; he has there noted the merchants engaged in this traffic of blood, and the legislators and ministers and kings that have authorized it; and he has written down their names in the book, inscribed within and without, with sin and mourning, with lamentation and woe. And that Almighty arm, that knows to forgive when it is time to forgive, and knows to destroy when it is time to destroy, is now stretched out over the nations, red with the accumulated wrath of ages.