Irish stock, had very modern views of the methods to be employed in dealing with inferior races. These emigrants, settling on the frontiers, where they could obtain lands cheaply, at once fell out with the Indian tribes. They maltreated them, and, when they resisted, slaughtered them. The Indian wars thus brought on could not be conscientiously supported by the Quakers, and they were hence compelled to relinquish the government of a community determined on expansion by armed force. Their true attitude is shown by the fact that during a period of entire peace, between 1733 and 1751, no less than £8,000 was expended by them in satisfaction of Indian claims. Even after they withdrew from the government, they labored to preserve peace with the Indians, and, had their counsels been heeded and the Indians been dealt with fairly, they might have been made friends and allies, instead of bloodthirsty foes.

The most prominent Quakers labored earnestly, with Franklin, to secure the repeal of the Stamp Acts, and the combination to abstain from the use of imported goods was heartily supported by the whole Society. Their moderate but firm protests accomplished much more than the riotous proceedings in other colonies, and it is quite possible that, if their policy of passive resistance and dignified remonstrance had prevailed, the British Government would have ceased its oppressions. The practical independence of the colonies would have been secured by Deaceful means, and the miseries of the Revolutionary war been averted. It is needless to say that such counsels were repugnant to the "Sons of Liberty," who made use of their power, so soon as independence was declared, to plunder and persecute the Quakers for not aiding in the war. It is pleasant to read that Washington exerted himself to secure humane treatment for the abused non-combatants, and Mr. Sharpless records an interesting conversation between him and Warner Mifflin. "Mr. Mifflin," said Washington, then President, "will you now please tell me on what principle you were opposed to the Revolution?" "Yes, Friend Washington; upon the principle that I should be opposed to a change in the present government. All that was ever secured by revolution is not an adequate compensation for the poor mangled soldiers, and for loss of life and limb." "I honor your sentiments," replied the President, "for there is more in them than mankind has generally considered."

Mr. Sharpless adds a chapter on the attitude of the Friends towards slavery; but it is hardly necessary to comment on this hon

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orable feature of their general course. There is much in his book which is sadly instructive at the present crisis in our history, and we may well wish that the Quaker influence was still strong among us. We are indebted to the author for his judicious correction of some inveterate prejudices against the sect; but we must respectfully assert that so good a work deserves a better index than he has provided for it.

Bird Homes; The Nests, Eggs, and Breeding Habits of the Land Birds Breeding in the Eastern United States. With Hints on the Rearing and Photographing of Young Birds. By A. Radclyffe Dugmore. Illustrated with photographs from Nature by the Author. Doubleday & McClure Co. 1900.

Mr. Dugmore's 'Bird Homes' is a distinctly welcome contribution to popular bird literature, and in method and scope it in some degree occupies a new field. The purpose of the book is "to stimulate the love of birds," to help "the ordinary unscientific person to get some closer glimpse of the birds in their rôles as heads of a family; to study their wonderfully adapted nests and beautiful eggs as manifestations of that bird nature which is so charmingly varied and so endlessly interesting." In addition to being a handbook of the nests and eggs of the land birds of the Eastern United States, in which field it has several predecessors, it is especially attractive and instructive through its numerous half-tone illustrations, made from photographs taken by the author, of nests in situ of some thirty to forty species. There are also four colored plates of eggs, and ten colored plates of nests, made by the threeplate process. This method has the merit of cheapness, and the faults necessarily implied thereby. While fairly well adapted for a certain class of natural-history subjects, it seems less so for the background of vegetation and other accessories in the varied surroundings of birds' nests. The plain halftones are excellent, both in execution and in the selection of subjects, and by most people will doubtless be preferred to the colored plates. The series of illustrations of young birds, mostly just out of the nest, are especially interesting and attractive portraits of baby bird life.

'Bird Homes' consists of two parts. Part I. includes six chapters of introductory matter, including a chapter on egg-collecting, photographing nests and young birds, and hints on rearing and keeping young birds. While deprecating egg-collecting "as being in most cases entirely unnecessary," and, as conducted by the average small boy, entirely need

less and unprofitable as a means of acquiring information, Mr. Dugmore gives elaborate instructions as to how to collect and care for eggs, which perhaps might just as well have been omitted; this, however, is to some extent offset by directions about studying the nesting habits of birds, and the growth and interesting traits of young birds, without destroying or seriously interfering with the prosperity of the family. The propriety of keeping pet birds is discussed at some length, the conclusion being that when well cared for they are not necessarily unhappy, but in most instances contented and at ease, while the opportunity thus afforded for the study of birds in respect to their individual traits and habits cannot be obtained in any other way. "The whole question is, of course, one that each person must decide for himself; but unless there is a great deal of certainty in one's mind, it is surely better to give the birds the benefit of the doubt-and their freedom. . . . To deprive any wild animal of its liberty and then neglect it is sheer barbarity."

Part II., forming the principal part of the book, is devoted to a formal description of the nests, eggs, and nesting habits of the land birds found in the United States east of the Plains, arranged arbitrarily under special chapter headings in accordance with the position of the nest-whether on the ground, in trees or bushes, or in holes-and its character, as to whether an open or covered nest, saddled on a limb or pensile, etc.

The book as a whole is very attractively got up, and is filled with good matter, Mr. Dugmore being well qualified for the task he has here undertaken. The abundance of excellent illustrations renders the book of special interest to naturalists as well as to the general reader.

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Abbott, Katharine M. Trolley Trips in and about
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Giltner, Leigh G. The Path of Dreams: Poems. Fleming H. Revell Co.

Ham, C. H. Mind and Hand: Manual Training the Chief Factor in Education. American Book Co. $1.25.

Jókai, M. The Baron's Sons. Boston: L. C. Page & Co. $1.50.

Keeler, Harriet L. Our Native Trees. Scribner. $2.

Leys, J. K. The Black Terror: A Romance of
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Markwick, W. F., and Smith, W. A. The True
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Reinsch, P. S. World Politics at the End of the
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Sears, E. H. An Outline of Political Growth in
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Compiled by BENJAMIN RAND, Ph.D. Third edition, with Bibliography. 8vo. $3.00. This book was the first to be entitled "Economic History," and is still the best general work upon that subject.

A Selected List of French Books for the Family Circle. With Critical Notes by Mme. CORNU and W. BEER. Soundness of sentiment and excellence of style have dictated the selection of these unobjectionable 186 works of the most interesting French authors. Price 10 cents.

By BENJAMIN RAND, Ph.D. 8vo. $1.25. This work embraces the more important English, French, German, and Italian authorities in general economic literature.

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NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JUNE 21, 1900.

The Week.

We go to press in the midst of the quadrennial demoralizing incident of a national nominating convention, the Republican at Philadelphia. It is a gambling operation on a grand scale, with Senatorial bosses for the feading gamesters. Like Penelope's suitors, "they never meet but to consent in spoils," but they have dropped their "courtesy" in the Senate chamber, and are now pitted against each other, with Platt and Hanna conspicuously interlocked. Will Platt compel Roosevelt to take the Vice-Presidency, willy-nilly? Will Hanna secure Bliss, or Lodge Long-that thrift may follow fawning? Or are we to see a Western nomination on the ground that the Bryan windbag needs to be followed up on the stump by a greater? These questions will have been edifyingly answered by the time they reach our readers in print. It is enough now to put on record the fact that Senator Hanna called the convention to order, and that, "close as sin and suffering joined," the Silverite Senator Wolcott orated as the official apologist of the gold-standard McKinley Administration.

Senator Wolcott's speech was framed in conformity to the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi bonum. It consisted almost exclusively of a fulsome panegyric on the achievements of the Republican party, hardly a statement in which is not either exaggerated or untrue. The "spirit of justice and liberty" which caused the formation of the Republican party, now compels its members to sympathize with the Boers in their struggle for independence, and to demand the extermination of the Filipinos engaged in a similar struggle. This treatment of the Filipinos is defended as carrying out the policy of which our treatment of the Seminole Indians was an example. Concerning the tariff laws and the silver legislation, Senator Wolcott carries misrepresentation to an extreme. He ignores the deficit caused by the McKinley tariff and the Pension Bill, and the impending bankruptcy of the Treasury when President Harrison left office. He ignores the heroic struggle by which President Cleveland, in spite of the narrow-minded opposition of the Republican party, succeeded in saving the country from crashing down to a silver basis. He has nothing to say of the contemptible partisanship which would have ruined the credit of the Government of the United States for the sake of injuring a Democratic Administration, and which forced down the price of Gov

would serve the people if they wanted to have him, but that he now thanks God that they do not appear to want him. It has been suggested that he might accept a nomination for the second place, but his friends are sure that he would not. Even if he were willing, there are as yet no signs of much desire among the Bryanites to have his name on their ticket. The incident may, therefore, be considered closed. It was a surprising thing that a sailor who had appeared to be perfectly sincere in realizing his own unfitness for the Presidency, and in disclaiming any desire for the office, should suddenly show that he wanted the place, and argue that he could fill it easily beIt is cause the job was not a hard one. antecea thousand pities that he lacked advisers who could have restrained him from the folly which he committed in announcing his candidacy. The best thing now is to let the unhappy incident be forgotten as soon as may be.

no

treaty

course

Senator Wolcott vigorously contends that the Constitution of the United States does not follow the flag, and that all the acts of the Republican party in dealing with Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines have been characterized by the most enlightened and disinterested benevolence. He finds a new argument for retaining the Philippines in the fact that many of our soldiers are buried there an argument, the weight of which must sadly increase so long as our policy is continued. Altogether, Mr. Wolcott managed to concentrate a remarkably large number of impudent misrepresentations in his speech, and only his well-known "nerve” could have Own face enabled him to keep his straight as he looked upon an audience which could listen to him without open laughter. Such insolence may confirm the faithful, although that is doubtful; but it certainly tends to disgust the wavering, and to exasperate those who like to hear the truth told, even in a political convention.

There seems no reason to doubt the truth of the reports that Admiral Dewey has abandoned his Presidential ambition. He is quoted as saying that he announced, some weeks ago, that he

The announcement from Manila that the rainy season has put an embargo upon active operations by our troops in the Philippines, insures a continuance of the present conditions for a number of months. In other words, the McKinley Administration must enter the Presidential campaign with the confession that the troubles are not over, and with no assurance that they ever will be over. The most discouraging feature of the situation is the bitter hostility of the natives toward us. There is a virtual agreement of all observers regarding this fact. A letter from the New York Sun's Manila correspondent, and one from an officer in the regular army which was published the other day by the Rochester Union and Advertiser, both lay stress upon this feature of the case. With the natives, after two years' experience, hating us more than they did the Spaniards, how are harmonious relations ever to be established?

to

The decision of Judge Townsend, of the United States Court for this district, on the status of Porto Rico, is contrary to that recently made by Judge Lochren. In the report of the decision which is now before us, no authorities are cited, and it is therefore impossible determine how the precedents on which Judge Lochren relied are disposed of. The case, arose from the levying of duties by the Collector of New York on tobacco imported from Porto Rico in June, 1899. At that time, Congress had not legislated for Porto Rico, and it was under military government. Judge Townsend holds that as it was a foreign country before the war with Spain, it did not cease to be such because of our

military occupation. There is no dispute on this point. But he adds that the cession of Porto Rico to the United States by Spain did not incorporate the inhabItants within the United States. The soil of the island, as we understand his reasoning, became a part of the United States, but the dwellers on the soil were not affected by this transfer of sovereignty. They were obliged to await the action of Congress before knowing the character of their citizenship. "Since Congress, at the time of this importation, had not performed this condition of in

corporation, the status of Porto Rico, except as to other nations, remained unchanged." The application of our Constitution is therefore determined, not by considerations of title to land, but by recognition of the status of its inhabitants.

This conclusion Judge Townsend defends, not by reference to the law as established by the Supreme Court, but by declaring that it would be a narrow construction of the Constitution which

"would find in some underlying principle a veto upon an attempt to act for the highest interest of our nation and the people intrusted to its care." With due respect for Judge Townsend's authority, it must be said that this is merely begging the question. He admits that to maintain that the Federal Government has power to govern without uniform taxation "may be an unfamiliar proposition"; but he says that as this is a power prohibited to the States, it must have passed to the Federal Government. The words of the Constitution, however, are not in accordance with this statement. That instrument declares explicitly that "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." The position of the Imperialists, which is defended by Judge Townsend, is that the Federal Government must have despotic power over territory acquired by war, and the inhabitants thereof, because "to deny this power is to deny this nation an important attribute of sovereignty." sition confounds the nation and the Federal Government. The American nation, or "the people of the United States," to use the words of the Constitution, is absolutely sovereign. This sovereign, however, has laid down some fundamental rules which its servants, the President and Congress, must take a solemn oath to obey as a condition of taking office. The question at issue is simply whether these servants shall exercise absolute sovereignty, or whether their powers are limited by the instrument under the terms of which they hold their places.

This po

by a Debs, it means the setting aside of the carefully prepared machinery for redressing wrongs-the growth of agesand the substitution of violence and arbitrary compulsion in place of it, accompanied by enormous loss and suffering to all classes of the community, and usually by fire and bloodshed-the whole absolutely useless, as the Chicago case proves. If we are approaching the end of the sympathetic strike, we have much to be thankful for.

ernor of Missouri, having made sure of his selection as a delegate to the Democratic National Convention, would feel free to suppress the disorder at St. Louis. The renewed reports of brutalities on Sunday extinguish these hopes. An attempt was made to operate the trolleycars without police guards, and, as a result, four cars were blown up, numbers were stoned, one woman was shot, and another, after being beaten and driven from house after house where she sought shelter, was thrown into a pond, her assailants nearly succeeding in drown- In spite of the objections to "governing her. This by no means exhausts thement by injunction," the Supreme Court

list of outrages, and there seems no immediate prospect of any improvement in the situation. The responsibility for the continued disorder appears to lie primarily with the Board of Police, but ultimately with the Chief Magistrate of the State, who can at any time assist the civil authorities with the militia. The only excuse for his inaction offered by the Governor is that it would cost several thousand dollars a day to call out troops. As the loss to the community through the prevalence of rioting will probably be reckoned in millions, this excuse deserves no consideration. We cannot escape from the conclusion that the Governor wilfully refuses to execute the laws because he is afraid of losing the votes of the strikers and those who sympathize with them. Some deplorable instances of weakness of this kind have occurred, but there is perhaps no case where the failure has been so complete and so shameless. The merits of the dispute between the strikers and their employers have ceased to be of importance, compared with the question whether rioting shall be tolerated by the Government.

It seeks to

It is reported in Chicago that the trade unions are willing to abandon the "sympathetic strike" as a part of their permanent armory, and that thereupon both sides will accept arbitration of their differences. The sympathetic strike, which is always accompanied by a boycott, is the most unjust, exasperating, and ruinous of all the instrumentalities evoked by strikes and lockouts. compel all men and women to take sides in any petty quarrel that may arise between an employer and his employees, or between two groups of employees, and to turn a peaceful society into a warring mass. It is based on the innocent truism that "the injury of one is the concern of all." Undoubtedly it is. That is the reason why laws are made. The whole theory of the law is that the injury of the poor, the weak, the feeble is of so great public concern that all are bound to unite in righting the wrong without expense to the injured. Hence we have courts, sheriffs, juries, prisons, and such indirect aids and auxiliaries as charitable societies and a newspaper When this maxim is translated

of Nebraska, which is composed of two Populist judges and one Republican judge, has taken the very unusual step of punishing a newspaper for contempt of court. The offender, the Omaha Bee, had intimated quite plainly that one of the judges could not decide a case that was coming before him impartially, because he had already, while Governor, committed himself to a certain position. The case arose under a law intended to transfer the patronage of the Fire and Police Boards of Omaha from the Republican Mayor and Council of the city to the Populist Governor of the State. As a matter of fact, the judge whose disqualification was pointed out by the Bee, recognized that he was disqualified, and did not sit in the case. Furthermore, the case was decided in favor of the city officers, whose part was taken by the Bee. But the Court felt that its dignity was assailed, and, after hearing the Bee in its own defence, imposed a fine of $500. It intimated that if the Bee would apologize, the fine might be remitted; but the Bee refuses to apologize. It maintains that its comments were proper, that it did not charge the Court or any member of it with official misconduct, and that any apology made by it would be as insincere as Galileo's declaration that the world was stationary. One interesting development in this case was, that inquiries made of the clerks of the Supreme Courts of nearly thirty States showed that the punishment of the editor or publisher of a newspaper for contempt of court has almost never OCcurred. Whether this indicates self-restraint on the part of editors or on the part of judges, we shall not undertake to determine.

The recent lynching of two negroes in Mississippi was more horrible in some respects than most of these infamous affairs. A white girl had been murdered by a negro, and the evidence was strong that only one negro was concerned in the crime. Two, however, were suspected, and, in spite of the admitted fact that one of them must be innocent, both were put to death. An attempt was made in one case to extort a confession of guilt by torture,, as if such a confession would be proof of guilt, but

the wretched victim persisted in maintaining his innocence so earnestly that most of the mob were convinced of it. On reflection, however, and in cold blood, it was decided that rather than not kill one person who was possibly guilty, an innocent person as well should be sacrificed. None of the defences usually pleaded by lynchers is available in this case, and the brutes who professed to be inflicting punishment cannot deny that their act was simply a murder as atrocious as that which they pretended to avenge. It is satisfactory to see that the New Orleans Times-Democrat denounces this outrage with unqualified severity.

On the other hand, the Mobile Register indulges in some casuistry of a particularly shameless character. It mildly observes that the men engaged in this affair admitted that one of the men whom they killed was innocent, and that they will receive more than usual condemnation on that account. But it justifies their action on the ground that the antagonism of the races compels white men to presume that black men are guilty of whatever crime they are charged with, until they prove their innocence. The presumption of innocence is admitted only when all members of the community desire to punish criminals and are ready to testify against them. The blacks, it maintains, do not wish to have criminals of their race punished, and will not testify against them. Whatever else may be said of this theory of jurisprudence, it is certainly sufficient to explain the reluctance which some of the blacks may display to furnishing evidence when members of their race are accused. They know that their testimony will be accepted if it is to the guilt of the accused person, and rejected if it is to his innocence, while any confusion in their evidence may be turned against themselves. Lynching is not practised because black men will not testify; black men will not testify while lynching is practised, and, indeed, they cannot. The natural operation of the better class of blacks with the whites in overawing and punishing the criminal class is absolutely prevented by the policy of lynching "color" at sight.

makes the requisition and his party associates are "blind to reason," that they have "ignored civil rights," and that their courts are "mockeries of justice." Such language would naturally provoke the Governor and people of the State thus stigmatized to refuse the requisitions addressed to them by the offending Governor. We can only hope that the action taken by Gov. Mount will not attain the character of a precedent, but that it will be treated as sporadic and revolutionary. As for Mr. Taylor himself, he ought to have preserved his own dignity by remaining at home and defying his persecutors. He has greatly injured the righteous cause which he represents by his weak and wabbling course since the election.

The extortion practised by the American Ice Company in doubling its prices to consumers in this city, was seized on by the representatives of the labor unions as a reason why the city authorities should establish an ice factory. Beyond question these authorities could maintain such an establishment, and could furnish ice to the people at very moderate prices. The reason why they

could do this is to be found in the fact that the cost of such an experiment would be defrayed by the taxpayers. The result might be that the cost of the ice furnished by the municipality would be much greater than at present. The experiment has been tried in Boston, where the city engaged in the business of cutting and storing the ice used in public drinking-fountains. The citizens were thus provided with free ice water, as they might be provided with free ice here. But when Mayor Hart assumed office in Boston, he caused an investigation to be made of the cost of the ice supplied by the city, and found, according to the statements made in Boston newspapers, that it was about $60 a ton. The ice-dealers would have furnished it to the city at $3 a ton. We do not understand that the ice business of the city had been dishonestly managed. There had been Cono embezzlement of funds, and proper vouchers were found for all payments. But as there was no inducement to manage it economically, while there were many to manage it extravagantly, the result was not surprising. The civil-service laws did not prevent the favorites of politicians from getting places and from keeping them even when proved incompetent. There is no reason to suppose that a municipal ice plant would be better managed by the politicians of New York city than by those of Boston.

The statement of reasons given by Gov. Mount of Indiana for refusing the requisition of the Governor of Kentucky for the surrender of Mr. Taylor to answer a charge of complicity in the assassination of William Goebel, is as undignified as the action itself is illegal and unconstitutional. It establishes a precedent for similar refusals in all kinds of cases. If the Governor to whom the requisition is addressed thinks that the accused would not have a fair trial, he may merely say that the Governor who

It is an extraordinary personal triumph which the German Emperor has won in at last inducing the Reichstag to vote him the new battle-ships which he said he should never be happy till he

got. Six months of wire-pulling and bargaining and compromising have been necessary-and must have been galling in the extreme to the sic-volo-sic-jubeo Hohenzollern-but the end crowns the work, and William can now point proudly to the fulfilment of his promise last Christmas: "And even as my grandfather labored for his army, so will I in like manner and unerringly carry on and carry through the work of reorganizing my navy, in order that it may be justified in standing by the side of my land forces, and that by it the German Empire may also be in a position abroad to win a place which it has not yet attained." The original Government proposals had to be considerably amended. The main change was in cutting down the ships for foreign service. What the Emperor asked was an increase of battleships from 19 to 38, of first-class cruisers from 12 to 20, and of second-class cruisers from 30 to 45. What he gets is 36 battle-ships, 19 first-class cruisers, and 38 second-class cruisers. The difference is slight, after all, and the total makes certainly a formidable fleet. It substantially doubles the strength of the Gerwhich was itself a great advance on anyman navy as fixed by the act of 1898, thing known before.

The Government of Japan has been obliging enough to relieve some of the authorities in this country and in the Dominion of Canada from an embarrassing problem. The influx of Japanese in British Columbia and in the State of Washington has recently become SO large as to disturb the labor market on the Pacific Coast, and to arouse very emphatic demands from the labor unions for the prohibition of immigration. Neither Great Britain nor the United States could comply with these demands, and the Government of the former Power has been obliged to nullify some of the measures proposed by the Legislature of British Columbia. The Japanese Government has now relieved the situation here by issuing an order which will reduce the number of its subjects emigrating to this country to insignificant proportions; for which relief the demagogues of this continent should express much thanks Henceforth not more than five persons in a month may emigrate to the United States from any of the forty-seven prefectures in Japan, and not more than ten will be permitted to go to Canada. The immigration to the Pacific Coast has been so large as to make it probable that it has been artificially stimulated, and the action of the Japanese Government, although arbitrary, may be for the interest of those of its subjects who are now in this country. Doubtless the complications which threaten Japan, make its Government reluctant to allow subjects capable of bearing arms to expatriate themselves at present.