wherein he gives the King's answer to the several demands of the Bureau. You will see, that if the madness and corruption of the late administration have laid us under a necessity to acknowledge that, after all other means would be exhausted, taxes must be employed to fill up the vacancy, yet we have gained not a little by the convocation of the Assembly. A more equal repartition of taxes, including the clergy, who hitherto had escaped them, and the powerful ones among the noblesse, who were not very exact; Provincial Assemblies on an elective principle, which, by the bye, are big with happy, very happy consequences, that will come to light as we go on; economies to the amount of forty millions at least; the destruction of interior custom houses; a modification of the Gabelle; an annual publication of the account of the finances; the printing of all pensions, gifts, &c.; more proper arrangements within some departments; and a more general instruction, habit of thinking on public affairs, &c. &c. are the good effects of this Assembly, which, although it was not national, since we were not representatives, behaved with great propriety and patriotism.

On the last day of our session, I had the happiness to carry two motions in my Bureau which were, I may almost say, unanimously agreed to; the one in favor of the Protestant citizens of France, the other for an examination of the laws, particularly the criminal ones. Enclosed is the resolve framed by the Bureau, which Count D'Artois, our President, presented to the King, and was graciously received. I was the more pleased with it, as some step of the kind, with

respect to the protestants, that had been tried in the Parliament of Paris, had not the proper success. So far are we from religious freedom, that even in asking for tolerance, we must measure our expressions. I was more liberally supported, by a learned and virtuous prelate, the bishop of Langres, who spoke admirably on the religious motion I had introduced. You will see that the Bureau clogged it with many compliments to the Roman creed, to appease the priests and devotees.

I cannot express to you, my Dear Sir, what my feelings have been, whenever the unpaid interest of the American debt has been spoken of in the examination of the accounts. May the convention be the happy epocha of federal, energetic, patriotic measures! May the friends of America rejoice! May her enemies be humbled, and her censors silenced at the news of her noble exertions in continuance of those principles, which have placed her so high in the annals of history, and among the nations of the earth.

The archbishop of Toulouse is the ablest, and one of the most honest men, that could be put at the head of administration. He will be the prime influencer in everything, and we may depend upon him as a man equally enlightened and liberal.

I beg you will present my respectful compliments and those of Madame de Lafayette to Mrs Jay. Remember me to General Knox, Colonel Hamilton, Colonel Wadsworth, the Chancellor, Mr Madison, Doctor Cochran, the Governor, in a word, to all friends.

Please send the enclosed printed speeches, and

copied resolves of the Bureau, to Mr Otho, who must be very desirous of getting them.

Most respectfully and affectionately yours,

TO JOHN JAY.

LAFAYETTE.

Sir,

Paris, October 15th, 1787.

The present state of politics having been laid before Congress, I shall the less intrude on their time with repetitions, as the late transactions in Holland have nothing pleasing to dwell upon. That the republican party have been disunited in many respects, and blinded in the choice of a General, that our cabinet have been treacherously deceived, are true, but insufficient apologies. The Ottomans, roused by England, will, probably, pay for their folly with one half of their empire. It now lies with England, whether a maritime war is to break out, which must involve the continent, and connect France with the two Imperial Courts. France is sincere in her politics and moderate in her pretensions, as it is the ardent wish of the King, Ministers, and nation, to devote themselves to internal improvements. But the affairs of Holland, those in the east, the giddiness of the King of Prussia's head, and British rancor for the assistance given to America, are causes of war, which, notwithstanding the disposition of this Ministry, may, probably, be blown up in Great Britain.

It is natural for a citizen and servant of the United States to consider what effect a maritime war would have upon them; and I am happy to find in their indulgence

and long experienced confidence, every encouragement to offer my opinion.

A co-operation against a proud and rancorous enemy would equally please my politics as a Frenchman, my feelings as an American, my views as an individual. I was nine years ago honored with the choice of Congress, to command an army into Canada, and never have I ceased to enjoy the prospect of its enfranchisement. A successful war, too, might divide the fisheries between France and America. But are not the United States so circumstanced for the present, as to render a war too expensive for them and too dangerous to their commerce?

Convinced as I am, that it is the case, I think myself bound in duty and love for them, not to indulge my ambition further than a neutrality useful to them and favorable to their allies. Every American harbor will offer a shelter for the French ships, a market for their prizes, and all the conveniences of repair and victualling; all which being consistent with treaties gives no ground of complaint. Although the trade is going on between England and America, it does not hinder the French Colonies from being Privateering itself, if under

supplied with all their wants. French colors, does no harm; and so may the United States enrich themselves with a free trade with both nations, at the same time that they maintain their own tranquillity and help their allies. And should they be forced into a war, I would wish at least it was delayed as long as possible, and postponed, for obvious reasons, to the last campaign.

It is to be confessed, that France might lay some claims on more decisive measures, but sensible as she is of the unavoidable situation of affairs in America, I have reasons

to believe she would not hurry her into a war, and will be satisfied with such a friendly, helping neutrality.

But I consider the present time as a proper one to obtain the restoration of the forts, and, perhaps, the navigation of the Mississippi, two points, which I confess I could never submit to the idea of giving up. The one is ours* by the laws of nations, the other by the laws of nature; and may I be permitted to add, that either concession would be inconsistent with the character of the United States.

Mr Jefferson gives an account of the measure taken respecting the commerce between this kingdom and America. I wish that affair had been terminated in time for the departure of Count de Mourtier, a gentleman whose personal character will, I trust, deserve the confidence and approbation of Congress.

We are anxiously waiting for the result of the convention at Philadelphia, as an event which, being engrafted in the present dispositions of the people, will, probably, add a lustre and a proper weight to the affairs of America in Europe; and, while it ensures internal happiness and prosperity, will baffle the insidious wishes, and annihilate the absurd reports of her enemies.

The next month is the appointed time for the sessions of all Provincial Assemblies, an establishment, which will be productive of the best consequences.

The liberty I have taken in expressing my opinion on an event not certain, but not improbable, cannot be referred, I am sure, to any principles of vanity or self-suffi

* It must be remembered, that in these letters General Lafayette always speaks of himself as an American.