events; and the agents employed on the King's account, being thus deprived of the security and of the power which every American citizen, and every foreign merchant enjoys, and the property of the King being so uncertain and exposed, the undersigned begs Congress to be pleased to cause all the provisions bought on the account and with the money of his Majesty, to be placed in the hands of the officers whom they shall judge proper to appoint for this purpose, in order that Congress may dispose of them in such manner as their own prudence and the public interest shall dictate; the undersigned declaring, that from the moment in which he was informed of these proceedings and of these obstacles, he has given order to put an end to every kind of purchase and supply of provisions. He annexes here the note of the provisions now in the hands of the King's agents; and if the commissions given heretofore have produced a greater quantity of them, he will have the honor to give notice of it to Congress, according as he shall be informed of it himself.

But he must at the same time call the attention of Congress to the proposition, which he had the honor to make to them by the Memorial which contains the request for this new supply, that is to say, that they would be pleased to declare, whether the Minister Plenipotentiary of France may reckon upon the quantity of provisions, which are necessary for the important object which he has had the honor to communicate to Congress. In order to facilitate the success of his measures on this subject, the undersigned confines himself at the present time to requesting, that the quantity of five thousand barrels of flour may be immediately held in readiness. The remainder can be furnished in the course of September next, from grain the product of this year's harvest.

The reasons alleged in the said Memorial compel the undersigned to repeat to Congress the formal demand of a prompt and explicit answer, with which he has not hitherto been honored. Congress has too much wisdom for any one to allow himself to set forth to it all the inconveniences which might result to America, and to the alliance from the least delay. The reports hitherto communicated are so uncertain, that it is impossible to make them the foundation of a confidence, which the experience of the past does not encourage, unless Congress authorises them by its sanction. A formal and explicit assurance on the part of Congress can alone effect an object so important, upon which the Minister Plenipotentiary of France has insisted since the month of May, and which the advancement of the season renders still more critical and pressing. GERARD.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE RESPECTING A CONFERENCE WITH THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

In Congress, July 10th, 1779.

The President informed Congress, that the Minister of France had communicated to him certain intelligence, about which it would, in his opinion, be expedient for Congress to confer with the Minister.

Resolved, That the honorable M. Gerard be informed by the President, that Congress are desirous of conferring with him in a committee of the whole, on the subject of the intelligence communicated by him to the President, and that if agreeable to him, a private audience be had on Monday next, at 12 o'clock.

Monday, July 12th. The President informed the

house, that he had communicated to the Minister of France the resolution of Saturday, and that the Minister had agreed to meet Congress, in a committee of the whole, at 12 o'clock. Whereupon Congress was resolved into a committee of the whole, and had a conference with the Minister, and on the 14th of July, Mr Laurens, chairman of the committee, reported,

That in obedience to the order of Congress, the committee of the whole have conferred with the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, who introduced the conference by saying, that he had received some despatches from his Court, which he was ordered to communicate to Congress, but that he expected no answer. That though it was not the usual practice to offer communications of this nature in writing, yet as it had been intimated to him by the President, that this mode would be most agreeable to Congress, he had committed the heads of them to paper, not as a Memorial, but merely for the assistance of the memory, in a form to which the term of "ad statum legendi" is appropriated by the usage of the Courts of Europe; that in reading the said paper he would take the liberty of making some explanations and reflections.

That he then proceeded to read the paper herewith delivered, marked No. 1, divided into seven Articles, and at the close of each separate Article he added explanations and reflections, the substance of which the committee have endeavored to recollect, and have committed to writing in the paper marked No 2.

NO. I.

Ad statum legendi.

1st. The King has approved all the overtures, which were made by his Minister Plenipotentiary to the Honorable Congress, respecting the affairs of M. de Beaumarchais. Therefore a line ought to be drawn between the stores, which this gentleman has been permitted to take out of the royal magazine, for which he has made himself debtor to the department of war, and between those articles which the same gentleman has bought in the common way of trade for the use of the United States.

2dly. A hint having been given to the Minister Plenipotentiary, that Congress desire to recruit their ships in France, from the English prisoners there, the Court in consequence of his representations is willing to facilitate this mode of recruiting seamen.

3dly. The King and Ministry were extremely pleased with the resolution, which Congress has taken, to maintain only one Minister Plenipotentiary at this Court, as well as with the exclusive appointment of so steady and honest a man, and so firm and solid a patriot, as Dr Franklin.

4thly. The Congress has given very great satisfaction to the Court of France, by the timely and spirited step, which was taken to disavow a certain ill-grounded and pernicious doctrine, relating to the mutual obligations of the allies, to conclude no truce or peace without the knowledge or consent of eachother. The Court of France is of opinion, - that this doctrine could only be maintained by those men, whose aim it was by any means to weaken the ties of the alliance, and to create disgust and diffidence between the allies.

5thly. The Court has received with some surprise the intelligence, that Congress has published the treaties conIcluded with it, without the previous knowledge and consent of the party interested. It is not to be denied, that such a proceeding is but little consistent with reason, and with the general practice of Courts and nations. Nevertheless, this observation involves not any kind of reproach, but the King thinks, that so noble and generous a system of politics could but produce desirable effects by its publication.

6thly. The intelligence, that in the first month of last winter there were no adequate preparations made in America towards a vigorous and successful campaign, was received at Versailles with all the concern, which the danger of the United States and the prolongation of the present contest can create in the most friendly mind. The Court of France is fully in the opinion, that the exertions of the United States are necessary to bring the common enemy to a proper sense of all the disappointments which

he shall meet with.

7thly. The Court, being desirous to acquaint Congress exactly with the state of affairs relating to the common cause, would not delay to inform this honorable body, that the Court of London, showing on one side dispositions to a reconciliation with France, rejects on the other side the very idea of a formal and explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United States, which his Most Christian Majesty perseveres to hold up as a preliminary and essential condition. The behavior of the common enemy in this respect rendered a great deal more probable the conjecture, which was communicated to Congress some time ago, that the point of honor and pride of the