CHAPTER V.

MR. JOHNSON AND SLAVERY AND ITS ARISTOCRACY — BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE-IN THE SENATE

THE

A PATRIOT FOR THE UNION.

HE Presidential campaign of 1860 developed an anomalous feature in the career of Andrew Johnson. From his former course there were the best reasons for placing him among those who would, in every emergency, be defenders of the Union. As the signs of the times became more doubtful and dark, his position became more open and satisfactory to the friends of the Union in the North. In all measures for the defense of slavery he had stood firmly with his section, but he did not put slavery against the Union. This fact soon set Southern leaders to suspecting him, and from suspecting they readily fell to hatred and abuse. While he took slavery as it was, and felt it a necessity, or his duty, to act in harmony with the South on all matters belonging to the "institution," he had not the interest in it which was characteristic of Southern politicians. He never did believe, perhaps, that slavery would or should exist always in this country. There was little or no affinity between him and the slaveholding aristocrats. His tendency was to dislike and shun them. This they said came from the vulgarity

of his nature.

But to a great extent, this was spleen on their part. His preferences when at the North were not such as they attributed to him when at home. In his private and social habits he was quite up to the average, or even best, standard of the people among whom he always lived. That slavery ever elevated the highest moral standard in society, or behind the curtains, has yet to be proven. To say that much is an exaggeration of charity, for in its most boisterous and arrogant days it never, in earnest, claimed such a thing.

Although he was a slave-owner, this fact did not materially affect his relation to the institution or its friends. The thread that bound him to slavery was peculiar and weak. The cause of this must be apparent in the course of the exposition of his character given in this work. Between the "institution" and his feelings towards the Union there was never a struggle. Between adhering to the South and adhering to the whole country there never could have been a question with him. His mind was always made up. He was a patriot in the only true and manly sense of the word. He was thoroughly tested. He was for his whole country, the Union, and the fall of slavery, or anything else, had no weight with this sentiment and principle. In him patriotism had one of its few exemplars in the South.

Besides the mere want of congeniality, or as a part of that want, between Mr. Johnson and the slaveholding aristocracy around him, he had a very decided aversion for many of the leaders, both dead

and living. He did not believe in these men at all. He considered them really wrong in their theories. and deeds. This was an unpardonable offense. His independence, and indifference towards the Southern political idols, as well as his disposition to be fair in opinion and conduct towards men in other parts of the world, discounted his standing in his section. How could a man hope to escape approbrium in the Democratic party in the South with such views as the following expressed by Mr. Johnson of J. C. Calhoun :

"Mr. Calhoun had some peculiar notions about government; and if he were now living, he and all the men in the United States could not put a government into successful and practical operation under the system he laid down. He was a logician; he could reason from premise to conclusion with unerring certainty, but he was as often wrong in taking his premises as anybody else. Admit his premises, and you were swept off by the conclusions; but look at his premises, and he was just as often wrong as any other statesman; and I think Mr. Calhoun was more of a politician than a statesman. Mr. Calhoun never possessed that class of mind that enabled him to found a great party. He founded a sect; and if he had been a religionist, he would have been a mere sectarian. He never would have gone beyond founding a sect peculiar to himself. His mind was metaphysical and logical, and he was a great man in his peculiar channel, but he might be more properly said to have founded a sect than a great national party."

For such men as Jefferson Davis in his own day, Mr. Johnson entertained a very decided aversion, which was heartily reciprocated. In view of all

these things, his course in the Presidential contest of 1860 must, perhaps, remain somewhat inexplicable.

The Tennessee delegation, headed by Andrew Ewing, went into the Charleston Convention instructed, and unanimous in its determination to support Mr. Johnson for the Presidency, and did cast its vote mainly to that end until the thirty-seventh ballot. His name was then withdrawn for the purpose of giving some impetus to the general fund of harmony, of which the convention stood much in need. Tennessee alone cast votes for Mr. Johnson. On the day of the reassembling of the convention he sent the following letter, to direct the action of the Tennessee delegation :-

"WASHINGTON, CITY, June 18, 1860. "GENERAL SAMUEL MILLIGAN ::

"DEAR SIR,-Whilst deeply thankful to you and your associate delegates in the National Convention for your support of my name as a candidate for the Presidency, indorsing and reflecting therein the honor done me by the State Convention of the Democracy of Tennessee, an honor and distinction given my name by the people whom I have served, and whose confidence is worthy of the best efforts and highest ambition of any man, yet in this hour of peril to the harmony and integrity of the Democratic party-in this hour of serious apprehension for the future welfare and perpetuity of our Government-I can not and will not suffer my name to add to the difficulties and embarrassment of my friends. I feel that it is incumbent upon you, upon me, that every thing that can honorably and consistently be done should be done by us to secure unity and harmony of action, to the end that correct. principles may be maintained, the preservation of the only national organization remaining continued, and, above all,

that the Union, with the blessings, guarantees, and protection of its Constitution, perpetuated forever.

"That the Tennessee delegation may so act, and that in no contingency they may find themselves embarrassed by the action of our State in regard to myself, I desire, through you, to request that they will not present my name to the convention at Baltimore, and to each of them tender my regards.

"I have the honor to be, etc.,

"ANDREW JOHNSON."

When, at last, the nominations were made, he surprised everybody by going to the support of Breckinridge and Lane. He had warmly favored the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and was strong in the faith of the so-called principle of non-intervention, on which Mr. Douglas made his brilliant fight for the Presidency. More than this, he had no respect for Breckinridge's theory that the Territories should not legislate against slavery, or declare against it in their proposed State constitutions, and that the General Government should protect it in the Territories. In addition to this, he was entirely destitute of respect for Lane, either as a man or a politician. At any rate he was when he came to find him out. He "stumped" a great part of Tennessee for Breckinridge and Lane, and undertook to maintain that they were the true Union candidates. According to his own oft-announced principles, Douglas should have received his support; but in the face of all these things, he merely took the man who had the largest following in the South, and especially among the disunionists. For this inconsiderate and apparently