friend of President Johnson, at Nashville, who was of the opinion that in the old trunks and boxes, yet silent, in Greenville, would be revealed a vast mass of corruption in relation to this very Alta Vela Island business, which, while going to vindicate Mr. Johnson's common fame for honesty, would greatly compromise other distinguished names.

The Republicans who voted "not guilty" on the impeachment articles, thus securing the acquittal of the President, were for a time, loudly censured by many of the party newspapers. It was held by many of the party leaders, too, that Mr. Johnson's conviction was necessary to success at the approaching election, and that his acquittal would greatly injure, if not defeat, the Republicans.

In a paper of recent date Sam Ward gives this account of the part he took in this case

"I am prouder of the part I took in defeating the impeachment of Andrew Johnson, than of any of my 'ground and lofty tumbling.' It was on Washington's birthday, 1868, when the Democrats met at Welcker's to appoint a time and place for the Presidential Convention, viz., July 4, 1868. And I learned that, after Stanton, owing to the weakness of General Thomas, had retained possession of the War Department, it was resolved by Sumner, Hooper, James F. Wilson, of Iowa, and the leading Republicans, to impeach the President in three days and try him in four weeks. It was I who first carried the tidings to Secretary McCulloch, and took from him a card to the President, whom I did not know. He was entertaining the corps diplomatique at dinner, so I had an hour to spare, which I spent in seeing Chief Justice Chase, to whom the news was a surprise. It was also one to the

President when I found him at ten o'clock. I told him to secure the most eminent counsel, half Democrats and half Republicans. He took Curtis and Evarts, and Nelson and Groesbeck.

"What killed the impeachment, it is not for me to say here. But it is due to the late Senator Grimes, of Iowa, to state that he was the hero of the occasion.

"There were hundreds of thousands betted upon the issue, and the biters, deceived by General Butler's assurance, were heavily bitten. All this is matter of history. But I am prouder of having countermined that vile intrigue to make Ben. Wade President, with a Cabinet that General Grant was asked to name, than of any other event of my life. I contributed my stoutest efforts, and we won and saved the country from being Mexicanized.”

Although, as has been shown, the design of impeachment was not of such sudden origin, that it was not successful can not now be a cause of regret to the American people. In some respects the defense made by the President and his counsel was quite weak. Over his undignified and disgraceful harangues on his tour through the country, they did little more than laugh. They could do no better. Some of the defense was made on grounds which could hardly have been deemed sincere.

In the charges of the managers for the House, and often in their speeches, there was an extravagance which does not commend the case in any way at this day. However true were the main items in the impeachment articles, it may be doubted whether they were sufficient cause of impeachment. At all events, the impolicy of arraigning the President on such grounds would hardly bear argument at the

present time. A more cultured and cautious President would not have given rise to a bill of charges so ridiculous against him, and if he had done so in a less inflammable period, Congress would, perhaps, have passed him unnoticed.

CHAPTER XVIII.

PARTY CONVENTIONS-NOMINATIONS AND PLATFORMSPRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1868-GENERAL GRANTLAST ANNUAL MESSAGE-CONGRESS AND THE EXECUTIVE - THE PRESIDENT'S PLAN - THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.

ROM "The Cincinnati Enquirer," June 20, 1880,

FRO

nominating conventions of 1868:

"The Tenth National Democratic Convention met in the city of New York on the 5th of July, at Tammany Hall, on Fourteenth Street. August Belmont called the convention to order, nominating Henry S. Palmer, of Wisconsin, for temporary chairman. Committees on Resolutions, Credentials, and Organization were appointed. Hon. Horatio Seymour was chosen permanent president; and, on report of Mr. Hiester Clymer, of Pennsylvania, a secretary and vice-presidents were appointed, one from each State. Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution that the delegates in the convention proceed to ballot for President, to which Stilson Hutchins, of 'The St. Louis Times,' the bold, bad man who wrote the virtuous Samuel T. Glover that he would elect him to the United States Senate if he would give him $10,000, added an amendment that no steps be taken toward the nomination of a candidate until after the platform shall have been presented. The amendment was adopted by 189 to 89. Next came a reception of a delegation from the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, armed with a long memorial. Sergeant Bates carried the flag. Then came the soldiers, Generals Franklin, Slocum, Granger, Kilby Smith, Denver and Tom Ewing, Jun., and the sailors,

who were probaly half-seas over, as none appeared. General Ewing made a lively speech, though cautious, for it was not then known whether the Democratic party would accept Chase and negro suffrage or not. Susan B. Anthony addressed a letter to the convention, pleading for the enfranchisement of women-the same justice to fifteen million white women that had been accorded to two million black men.

"Many were the men of prominence who attended the convention that nominated Seymour and Blair. South Carolina sent General Wade Hampton, the well-known leader of the Hampton Legion, a brigade of cavalry styled the 'Black Horse,' organized exclusively from the Palmetto State, the first rebel to acknowledge the right of a freedman to speak on the stage in public, and did actually, in 1865, deliver an eloquent address in continuation of remarks made by a dusky orator, formerly a chattel, who spoke from the same platform, to a mixed audience of whites and blacks; Ex-Senator James Chestnut, an original secessionist, who resigned his seat November 10, 1860, on the same day that the South Carolina Legislature authorized the banks to suspend specie payment, and appointed November 21st as a day of prayer; A. P. Aldrich, who, while a member of the South Carolina Legislature in 1860, offered a resolution to expel all free colored men from the State, and who first suggested the idea of holding a convention in his State in reference to secession; Congressman R. B. Rhett; and G. D. Trenholm, rebel Secretary of the Treasury. Alabama sent two ex-governors, Lewis Parsons and John A. Winston; C. C. Langdon, editor and proprietor of 'The Mobile Advertiser.' From Arkansas came General A. H. Garland and J. S. Dunham. Connecticut sent W. W. Eaton, afterward United States Senator; and from California came Ex-Governor John Bigler, a staunch Democrat, and a brother to that other ex-governor of the same name from Pennsylvania. Hon. James A. Bayard headed, as usual, the delegation from little Delaware. Florida sent Major W. G. Poole and Major W. W. Van Ness, formerly of the rebel army. Benj. H. Hill, who was said to have killed Yancey during a quarrel in the halls of the Confederate Congress, and General John B. Gordon, afterward United States Senator,,