when it is recollected, that the publick expenditures, not being exclusively bestowed upon subjects of a transient nature, will long be visible in the number and equipments of the American navy, in the military works for the defence of our harbours and our frontiers, and in the supplies of our arsenals and magazines; the amount will bear a gratifying comparison with the objects which have been attained, as well as with the resources of the country.

The arrangements of the finances, with a view to the receipts and expenditures of a permanent peace establishment, will necessarily enter into the deliberations of congress during the present session. It is true that the improved condition of the publick revenue will not only afford the means of maintaining the faith of the government, with its creditors inviolate, and of prosecuting, successfully, the measures of the most liberal policy; but will, also, justify an immediate alleviation of the burdens imposed by the necessities of the war. It is, however, essential to every modification of the finances, that the benefits of a uniform national currency should be restored to the community. The absence of the precious metals will, it is believed, be a temporary evil; but, until they can again be rendered the general medium of exchange, it devolves on the wisdom of Congress, to provide a substitute, which shall equally engage the confidence, and accommodate the wants, of the citizens throughout the union. If the operation of the state banks cannot produce this result, the probable operation of a National Bank will merit consideration; and, if neither of these expedients be deemed effectual, it may become necessary to ascertain the terms upon which the notes of the government (no longer required as an instrument of credit) shall be issued, upon motives of general policy, as a common medium of circulation.

Notwithstanding the security for future repose, which the United States ought to find in their love of peace, and their constant respect for the rights of other nations, the character of the times particularly inculcates the lesson, that, whether to prevent or repel danger, we ought not to be unprepared for it. This consideration will sufficiently recommend to Congress a liberal provision for the immediate extension, and gradual completion, of the works of defence, both fixed and floating, on our maritime frontier;

and an adequate provision for guarding our inland frontier against dangers to which certain portions of it may continue to be exposed.

As an improvement in our military establishment, it will deserve the consideration of Congress, whether a corps of invalids might not be so organized and employed, as at once to give support to meritorious individuals, excluded by age or infirmities, from the existing establishment, and to preserve to the publick, the benefit of their stationary services, and of their exemplary discipline. I recommend, also, an enlargement of the military academy, already established, and the establishment of others in other sections of the union. And I cannot press too much on the attention of Congress, such a classification and organization of the militia, as will most effectually render it the safeguard of a free state. If experience has shown in the recent splendid achievements of militia, the value of this resource for the publick defence, it has shown also the importance of that skill in the use of arms, and that familiarity with the essential rules of discipline, which cannot be expected from the regulations now in force. With this subject is intimately connected the necessity of accommodating the laws, in every respect, to the great object of enabling the political authority of the union, to employ, promptly and effectually, the physical power of the union, in the cases designated by the constitution.

The signal services which have been rendered by our navy, and the capacities it has developed for successful cooperation in the national defence, will give to that portion of the public force, its full value in the eyes of Congress, at an epoch which calls for the constant vigilance of all governments. To preserve the ships now in sound state; to complete those already contemplated; to provide amply the imperishable materials for prompt augmentations, and to improve the existing arrangements into more advantageous establishments, for the construction, the repairs, and the security of vessels of war, is dictated by the soundest policy.

In adjusting the duties on imports, to the object of revenue, the influence of the tariff on manufactures, will necessarily present itself for consideration. However wise the theory may be, which leaves to the sagacity and interest of individuals the application of their industry and

resources, there are in this, as in other cases, exceptions to the general rule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies, of a reciprocal adoption by other nations, experience teaches that so many circumstances must concur in introducing and maturing manufacturing establishments, especially of the more complicated kinds, that a country may remain long without them, although sufficiently advanced, and in some respects even peculiarly fitted for carrying them on with success. Under circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress, and exhibited an efficiency, which justify the belief, that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become, at an early day, not only safe against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestick wealth, and even of external commerce. In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the publick patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures, for articles necessary for the publick defence, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures, where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence, an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded.

Among the means of advancing the public interest, the occasion is a proper one for recalling the attention of Congress to the great importance of establishing throughout our country the roads and canals which can best be executed, under the national authority. No objects within the circle of political economy so richly repay the expense bestowed on them; there are none, the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged; none that do more honour to the governments whose wise and enlarged patriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any country which presents a field, where nature invites more the art of man, to complete her own work for his accommodation and benefit. These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for intercommunication, in bringing and binding

more closely together the various parts of our extended confederacy. Whilst the states, individually, with a laudable enterprise and emulation, avail themselves of their local advantages, by new roads, by navigable canals, and by improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the general government is the more urged to similar undertakings, requiring a national jurisdiction, and national means, by the prospect of thus systematically completing so inestimable a work. And it is a happy reflection, that any defect of constitutional authority, which may be encountered, can be supplied in a mode which the constitution itself has providently pointed out.

The present is a favourable season also for bringing again into view the establishment of a national seminary of learning within the district of Columbia, and with means drawn from the property therein subject to the authority of the general government. Such an institution claims the patronage of Congress, as a monument of their solicitude for the advancement of knowledge, without which the blessings of liberty cannot be fully enjoyed, or long preserved; as a model instructive in the formation of other seminaries; as a nursery of enlightened preceptors; and as a central resort of youth and genius from every part of their country, diffusing on their return examples of those national feelings, those liberal sentiments, and those congenial manners, which contribute cement to our union, and strength to the great political fabrick, of which that is the foundation.

In closing this communication, I ought not to repress a sensibility, in which you will unite, to the happy lot of our country, and the goodness of a superintending Providence to which we are indebted for it. Whilst other portions of mankind are labouring under the distresses of war, or struggling with adversity in other forms, the United States are in the tranquil enjoyment of prosperous and honourable peace. In reviewing the scenes through which it has been attained, we can rejoice in the proofs given, that our political institutions, founded in human rights, and framed for their preservation, are equal to the severest trials of war, as well as adapted to the ordinary periods of repose. As fruits of this experience, and of the reputation acquired by the American arms, on the land and on the water, the nation finds itself possessed of a growing respect.

abroad, and of a just confidence in itself, which are among the best pledges for its peaceful career. Under other aspects of our country, the strongest features of its flourishing condition are seen, in a population rapidly increasing, on a territory as productive as it is extensive; in a general industry, and fertile ingenuity, which find their ample rewards; and in an affluent revenue, which admits a reduction of the publick burdens, without withdrawing the means of sustaining the publick credit, of gradually discharging the publick debt, of providing for the necessary defensive and precautionary establishments, and of patronizing, in every authorized mode, undertakings conducive to the aggregate wealth and individual comfort of our citizens.

It remains for the guardians of the publick welfare, to persevere in that justice and good will towards other nations, which invite a return of these sentiments towards the United States; to cherish institutions which guarantee their safety, and their liberties, civil and religious; and to combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce, an improvement of the national advantages, and a protection and extension of the independent resources of our highly favoured and happy country.

In all measures having such objects, my faithful co-operation will be afforded.

JAMES MADISON.

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS. TRANSMITTING A COMMERCIAL CONVENTION

WITH GREAT BRITAIN. DECEMBER 23, 1815.

I LAY before Congress copies of a proclamation notifying the convention concluded with Great Britain on the 3d day of July last, and that the same has been duly ratified and I recommend to Congress such legislative provisions as the convention may call for on the part of the United States. JAMES MADISON.