nor could the remedy be longer delayed. Nothing but a resort to arms could save them from a bondage, which, to them, appeared worse than death.

Sprung from a race, which in every age has poured out its blood in resisting the exactions of arbitrary power, and born and nurtured in a land where liberty is looked upon as an inheritance, to be lost only with life,-both the past and the future now met in their path, to forbid a compromise with tyranny. Yet, a contest with such stupendous odds against them was indeed fearful; and rash as the undertaking would certainly be pronounced, could they hope for succor or even sympathy from their kindred in "father land."

There remained an alternative. To abandon the land now endeared by so many sacrifices, and return, to be strangers in that of their birth; this would avoid a surrender of personal liberty, but at an expense of rights fairly and honorably acquired, and possessions dearly bought. To sacrifice these without first striking a blow in their defence, was forbidden by duty as well as pride.

The incipient measure of organization to prepare for the struggle, was commended to them by the example of their ances. tors. The arrival of a large Mexican force at Bexar, was the signal for holding public meetings in all the principal settlements, in which committees of correspondence and public safety were appointed, and the latter invested with such powers as the crisis demanded. No doubt could be entertained of the designs of the dictator, in sending troops into Texas, nevertheless it was determined not to begin the contest without the clearest necessity, and so long as the troops made no attempt to advance into the American settlements, and indicated no movements in that direction, to leave them quietly in possession of their present position.

It was supposed that the mass of the Mexican people could not be willing slaves, and hopes were entertained that early efforts on their part to recover their lost rights, in which they (the Texians) might co-operate, would lighten the weight of the contest, and render the issue less doubtful.

In the mean time, however, the committees of safety were busy in preparations for the worst, and almost every able bodied man in the country stood prepared with his rifle and stock of ammunition, to march at a moment's warning. The month of August was a season of gloom and anxiety, but all remained quiet as the silence that precedes the storm.

In the early part of September, Stephen F. Austin, the father of the colony, whose counsel and advice was greatly needed in the present emergency, returned once more to Texas, after an

absence of more than two years, a considerable part of which he had been immured in the former inquisition dungeons of Mexico.

Austin must necessarily have been minutely acquainted with the merits of the controversy between Mexico and Texas; his interest was for peace, as his all must be staked upon the unequal contest. If any error was ever imputed to him, it was that of carrying prudence to an extreme bordering upon timidity. He is now "gone to his account," and left behind him a character which malice dare not assail; we therefore feel it due to the people, a sketch of whose history we have undertaken to pen, to pause in our narrative, while we permit the man, who, of all the world, best knew their affairs, to speak in their behalf. It is due also to the memory of Austin, of whom our limits will not permit a further notice. We therefore extract the following, from an address of the late Stephen F. Austin, delivered at Louisville, Kentucky, on the 7th of March, 1836.

"It is with the most unfeigned and heartfelt gratitude that I appear before this enlightened audience, to thank the citizens of Louisville, as I do in the name of the people of Texas, for the kind and generous sympathy they have manifested in favor of the cause of that struggling country; and to make a plain statement of facts explanatory of the contest in which Texas is engaged with the Mexican Government.

"The public has been informed, through the medium of the newspapers, that war exists between the people of Texas and the present government of Mexico. There are, however, many circumstances connected with this contest, its origin, its principles and objects which, perhaps, are not so generally known, and are indispensable to a full and proper elucidation of this subject.

"When a people consider themselves compelled by circum-stances or by oppression, to appeal to arms and resort to their natural rights, they necessarily submit their cause to the great tribunal of public opinion. The people of Texas, confident in the justice of their cause, fearlessly and cheerfully appeal to this tribunal. In doing this the first step is to show, as I trust I shall be able to do by a succinct statement of facts, that our cause is just, and is the cause of light and liberty:-the same holy cause for which our forefathers fought and bled :-the same that has an advocate in the bosom of every freeman, no matter in what country, or by what people it may be contended for.

"But a few years back Texas was a wilderness, the home of the uncivilized and wandering Comanche and other tribes of Indians, who waged a constant and ruinous warfare against the Spanish settlements. These settlements at that time were limited VOL. I.

23*

to the small towns of Bexar, (commonly called San Antonio) and Goliad, situated on the western limits. The incursions of the Indians also extended beyond the Rio Bravo del Norte, and desolated that part of the country.

"In order to restrain these savages and bring them into subjection, the government opened Texas for settlement. Foreign emigrants were invited and called to that country. American enterprise accepted the invitation and promptly responded to the call. The first colony of Americans or foreigners ever settled in Texas was by myself. It was commenced in 1821, under a permission to my father, Moses Austin, from the Spanish government previous to the independence of Mexico, and has succeeded by surmounting those difficulties and dangers incident to all new and wilderness countries infested with hostile Indians. These difficulties were many and at times appalling, and can only be appreciated by the hardy pioneers of this western country, who have passed through similar scenes.

"The question here naturally occurs, what inducements, what prospects, what hopes could have stimulated us, the pioneers and settlers of Texas, to remove from the midst of civilized society, to expatriate ourselves from this land of liberty, from this our native country, endeared to us as it was, and still is, and ever will be, by the ties of nativity, the reminiscences of childhood and youth and local attachments, of friendship and kindred? Can it for a moment be supposed that we severed all these ties the ties of nature and education, and went to Texas to grapple with the wilderness and with savage foes, merely from a spirit of wild and visionary adventure, without guarantees of protection for our persons and property and political rights? No, it cannot be believed. No American, no Englishman, no one of any nation who has a knowledge of the people of the United States, or of the prominent characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon race to which we belong-a race that in all ages and in all countries wherever it has appeared, has been marked for a jealous and tenacious watchfulness of its liberties, and for a cautious and calculating view of the probable events of the future-no one who has a knowledge of this race can or will believe that we removed to Texas without such guarantees, as free born and enterprising men naturally expect and require.

"The fact is, we had such guarantees; for, in the first place the government bound itself to protect us by the mere act of admitting us as citizens, on the general and long established principle, even in the dark ages, that protection and allegiance are reciprocal--a principle which in this enlightened age has been extended much further; for its received interpretation now is, that the object of government is the well being, security, and

happiness of the governed, and that allegiance ceases whenever it is clear, evident, and palpable, that this object is in no respect effected.

"But besides this general guarantee, we had others of a spe. cial, definite, and positive character-the colonization laws of 1823, '24, and '25, inviting emigrants generally to that country, especially guaranteed protection for person and property, and the right of citizenship.

"When the federal system and constitution were adopted in 1824, and the former provinces became states, Texas, by her representative in the constituent congress, exercised the right which was claimed and exercised by all the provinces, of retaining within her own control, the rights and powers which appertained to her as one of the unities or distinct societies, which confederated together to form the federal republic of Mexico. But not possessing at that time sufficient population to become a state by herself, she was with her own consent, united provisionally with Coahuila, a neighboring province or society, to form the state of COAHUILA AND TEXAS, until Texas possessed the necessary elements to form a separate state of herself."' I quote the words of the constitutional or organic act passed by the con. stituent congress of Mexico, on the 7th of May, 1824, which establishes the state of Coahuila and Texas. This law, and the principles on which the Mexican federal compact was formed, gave to Texas a specific political existence, and vested in her inhabitants the special and well defined rights of self-government as a state of the Mexican confederation, so soon as she 'possessed the necessary elements.' Texas consented to the provi. sional union with Coahuila on the faith of this guarantee. It was therefore a solemn compact, which neither the state of Coahuila and Texas, nor the general government of Mexico, can change without the consent of the people of Texas.

"In 1833 the people of Texas, after a full examination of their population and resources, and of the law and constitution, decided, in general convention elected for that purpose, that the period had arrived contemplated by said law and compact of 7th May, 1824, and that the country possessed the necessary ele. ments to form a state separate from Coahuila. A respectful and humble petition was accordingly drawn up by this convention, addressed to the general congress of Mexico, praying for the admission of Texas into the Mexican confederation as a state. had the honor of being appointed by the convention, the commissioner or agent of Texas, to take this petition to the city of Mex. ico, and present it to the government. I discharged this duty to the best of my feeble abilities, and, as I believed, in a respectful manner. Many months passed and nothing was done with the

I

petition, except to refer it to a committee of congress, where it slept and was likely to sleep. I finally urged the just and con stitutional claims of Texas to become a state, in the most pressing manner, as I believed it to be my duty to do; representing also the necessity and good policy of this measure, owing to the al most total want of local government of any kind, the absolute want of a judiciary, the evident impossibility of being governed any longer by Coahuila, (for three fourths of the legislature were from there,) and the consequent anarchy and discontent that existed in Texas. It was my misfortune to offend the high authorities of the nation-my frank and honest exposition of the truth was construed into threats.

"At this time (September and October, 1833,) a revolution was raging in many parts of the nation, and especially in the vicinity of the city of Mexico. I despaired of obtaining any thing, and wrote to Texas, recommending to the people there to organize as a state de facto without waiting any longer. This letter may have been imprudent, as respects the injury it might do me personally, but how far it was criminal or treasonable, considering the revolutionary state of the whole nation, and the peculiar claims and necessities of Texas, impartial men must decide. It merely expressed an opinion. This letter found its way from San Antonio de Bexar, (where it was directed,) to the government. I was arrested at Saltillo, two hundred leagues from Mexico, on my way home, taken back to that city and imprisoned one year, three months of the time in solitary confinement, without books or writing materials, in a dark dungeon of the former inquisition prison. At the close of the year I was released from confinement, but detained six months in the city on heavy bail. It was nine months after my arrest before 1 was officially informed of the charges against me, or furnished with a copy of them. The constitutional requisites were not observed, my constitutional rights as a citizen were violated, the people of Texas were out. raged by this treatment of their commissioner, and their respectful, humble and just petition was disregarded.

"These acts of the Mexican government, taken in connexion with many others, and with the general revolutionary situation of the interior of the republic, and the absolute want of local gov ernment in Texas, would have justified the people of Texas in organizing themselves as a state of the Mexican confederation, and if attacked for so doing, in separating from Mexico. They would have been justifiable in doing this, because such acts were unjust, ruinous and oppressive, and because self-preservation required a local government in Texas suited to the situation and necessities of the country, and the character of its inhabitants. Our forefathers in '76, flew to arms for much less. They resist