the King's instructions laws in the colonies, which, being opposed by the then agents, was thrown out. And I well remember a conversation with Lord Granville, soon after my arrival here, in which he expressed himself on that subject in the following terms: "Your American assemblies slight the King's instructions, pretending that they are not laws. The instructions sent over to your governors are not like the pocket instructions given to ambassadors, to be observed at their discretion, as circumstances may require. They are drawn up by grave men, learned in the laws and constitutions of the realm; they are brought into Council, thoroughly weighed, well considered, and amended if necessary, by the wisdom of that body; and, when received by the governors, they are the laws of the land; for the King is the legislator of the colonies."

I remember this the better, because, being a new doctrine to me, I put it down as soon as I returned to my lodgings. To be sure, if a governor thinks himself obliged to obey all instructions, whether consistent or inconsistent with the constitution, laws, and rights of the country he governs, and can proceed to govern in that train, there is an end of the constitution, and those rights are abolished. But I wonder, that any honest gentleman can think there is honor in being a governor on such terms. And I think the practice cannot possibly continue, especially if opposed with spirit by our assemblies. At present no attention is paid by the American ministers to any agent here, whose appointment is not ratified by the governor's assent; and if this is persisted in, you can

have none to serve you in a public character, that do not render themselves agreeable to these ministers, and those otherwise appointed can only promote your interests by conversation, as private gentlemen, or by writing.

Virginia had, as you observe, two agents, one for the Council, the other for the Assembly; but I think the latter only was considered as agent for the province. He was appointed by an act, which expired in the time of Lord Botetourt, and was not revived. The other, I apprehend, continues; but I am not well acquainted with the nature of his appointment. I only understand that he does not concern himself much with the general affairs of the colony.

It gives me great pleasure that my book afforded any to my friends. I esteem those letters of yours among its highest ornaments; and have the satisfaction to find that they add greatly to the reputation of American philosophy.

There is, in the governor's Collection of Papers Relative to the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, published in 1769, a copy of an answer made by Randolph to several Heads of Inquiry, which I take to be the same with those I sent you.' I shall be very glad to have

I ' Dr. Franklin had sent to Mr. Bowdoin a set of Queries, respecting the state of affairs in New England, which were given to Edward Randolph by the ministry, when he was about to visit Massachusetts in 1676. Randolph returned answers to them the same year. The queries and answers are contained in Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, etc., p. 477. Accompanying the queries, Randolph received an estimate, which is said to have been drawn from the best sources of information. A copy of this estimate was obtained by Dr. Franklin, and sent to Mr. Bowdoin. It is curious as an historical document, and

an account of the present number of ratables, when you can obtain it for me.

In Ireland, among the patriots, I dined with Dr. Lucas. They are all friends of America, in which I said every thing I could think of to confirm them. Lucas gave Mr. Bowdoin, of Boston, for his toast. My best respects to Mrs. Bowdoin. With sincere and great esteem, I am, dear Sir, &c.,

B. FRANKLIN.

has the merit of brevity. Its date is fifty-six years after the first settlement of Plymouth.

"There are in New England about 120,000 souls; 13,000 families, 16,000 that can bear arms; 12 ships of between 100 and 220 tons; 190, of between 20 and 100 tons; 440 fisherboats of about six tons each.

"There are 5 iron works, which cast no guns; 15 merchants worth about £5,000, one with another; 500 persons worth £3,000 each. No house in New England hath above 20 rooms; not 20 in Boston which have above 10 rooms each. About 1,500 families in Boston. The worst cottages in New England are lofted. No beggars; not 3 put to death for theft.

"About 35 rivers and harbours. About 23 islands and fishingplaces. The three provinces of Boston, Maine, and Hampshire are three fourths of the whole in wealth and strength; the other four provinces of Plymouth, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Kennebec being but one quarter of the whole in effect. Not above three of their military men have ever been actual soldiers, but many are such soldiers as the artillerymen at London. Amongst their magistrates, Leverett, the governor, Major Dennison, Major Clarke, and Mr. Broadstreet are the most popular. And amongst their ministers, Mr. Thatcher, Mr. Oxenbridge, and Mr. Higginson.

There are no musicians by trade. One dancing-school was set up, but put down. A fencing-school is allowed. All cordage, sailcloth, and nets come from England. No cloth made there worth above 4s. a yard; nor linen worth above 2s. 6d. No allum, nor copperas, nor salt by the sun.

'They take an oath of fidelity to the governor, but none to the King, The governor is chosen by every freeman. A freeman must be orthodox, above twenty years of age, and worth about £200."

CCCCXXIV

TO JOSHUA BABCOCK

LONDON, 13 January, 1772.

DEAR SIR:-It was with great pleasure I learnt, by Mr. Marchant, that you and Mrs. Babcock and all your good family continue well and happy. I hope I shall find you all in the same state, when I next come your way, and take shelter, as often heretofore, under your hospitable roof. The Colonel, I am told, continues an active and able farmer, the most honorable of all employments, in my opinion, as being the most useful in itself, and rendering the man most independent. My namesake, his son, will soon, I hope, be able to drive the plough for him.

I have lately made a tour through Ireland and Scotland. In those countries, a small part of the society are landlords, great noblemen, and gentlemen, extremely opulent, living in the highest affluence and magnificence. The bulk of the people are tenants, extremely poor, living in the most sordid wretchedness, in dirty hovels of mud and straw, and clothed only in rags.

I thought often of the happiness of New England, where every man is a freeholder, has a vote in public affairs, lives in a tidy, warm house, has plenty of good food and fuel, with whole clothes from head to foot, the manufacture, perhaps, of his own family. Long may they continue in this situation! But, if they should ever envy the trade of these countries, I can put them in a way to obtain a share of it. Let them, with three fourths of the people of Ireland,

live the year round on potatoes and buttermilk, without shirts, then may their merchants export beef, butter, and linen. Let them, with the generality of the common people of Scotland, go barefoot, then may they make large exports in shoes and stockings; and, if they will be content to wear rags, like the spinners and weavers of England, they may make cloths and stuffs for all parts of the world.

Farther, if my countrymen should ever wish for the honor of having among them a gentry enormously wealthy, let them sell their farms and pay racked rents; the scale of the landlords will rise, as that of the tenants is depressed, who will soon become poor, tattered, dirty, and abject in spirit. Had I never been in the American colonies, but were to form my judgment of civil society by what I have lately seen, I should never advise a nation of savages to admit of civilization; for I assure you that, in the possession and enjoyment of the various comforts of life, compared to these people, every Indian is a gentleman, and the effect of this kind of civil society seems to be, the depressing multitudes below the savage state, that a few may be raised above it. My best wishes attend you and yours, being ever, with great esteem, &c., B. FRANKLIN.

CCCCXXV

TO THOMAS CUSHING

LONDON, 13 January, 1772.

SIR: I am now returned again to London from a journey of some months in Ireland and Scotland.