no merit, supposes that he directed him to Carisbrook because he knew that Hammond might be depended upon as a jailer; Ludlow supposes that he thought Hammond a man on whom the King might rely; and Hobbes, with more probability than either, affirms that he meant to let him escape from the kingdom, which, with common prudence on the part of his companions, he might have done, and which, when Cromwell had made his choice to act with the Commonwealth's-men, would have served their purpose better than his death.

He did not, however, join them hastily, nor from his own feelings, but as if yielding, rather than consenting, to circumstances. Conferences were held between some of the heads of the manyheaded anarchy-members, officers, and preachers-to determine what form of government was best for the nation, whether monarchical, aristocratical, or democratical. The ablest leaders of the Presbyterian party had been expelled the House, and some of them driven into exile by the preponderating influence of the army, who availed themselves of the King's presence to obtain that object. These persons, more from their hatred of the Independents than from any other principle, would have defended the monarchy, which was now but weakly and insincerely defendedby Cromwell and those who were called the Grandees of the House and army. Either form of government, they said, might be good in itself, and for them, as Providence should direct ; this being interpreted meant that they were ready to support any. form which might be most advantageous to themselves. On the other hand, the political and religious zealots insisted that monarchy was in itself an evil, and that the Jews had committed a great sin against the Lord in choosing it; and they, apparently now for the first time, avowed their desire of putting the King to death and establishing an equal commonwealth. Cromwell, who was then acknowledged as the head of the Grandees, professed himself to be unresolved; he had learnt however the temper of his tools, and with that coarse levity which is one of the strongest features in his character, he concluded the conference by flinging a cushion at Ludlow's head, and then running down stairs; but not fast enough to escape a similar missile which was sent after him. The next day he told Ludlow he was convinced of the desirableness of what that party had proposed,

but not of its feasibleness. when Cromwell would find everything feasible which he desired. A bold accusation was preferred against him in the House of Lords by Major Huntington: he affirmed that Cromwell and Ireton had, from the beginning, instigated the army to disobey and resist the Parliament; that they had pledged themselves to make the King the most glorious prince in Christendom, while they were making use of him, and had declared that they were ready to join with French, Spaniards, Cavaliers, or any who would force the Parliament to agree with him; that their real object was to perpetuate the power of the army; that Ireton said, when the King and Parliament were treating, he hoped they would make such a peace that the army might, with a good conscience, fight against them both; and that Cromwell had, both in public and private, maintained as his principle that every individual was judge of just and right as to the good and ill of a kingdom; that it was lawful to pass through any forms of government for attaining his end, and that it was lawful to play the knave with a knave. Huntington swore to the truth of these allegations; Milton impugns his credit, by saying that he afterwards besought Cromwell's pardon, and confessed that he had been suborned by the Presbyterians. Encouraged by them he probably was; but Huntington's memorial bears with it the stamp of truth, and it is confirmed by Cromwell's whole course of after-life.*

The time was now fast approaching

The Independent party being the strongest, no advantage was made of these charges, which might otherwise have been deemed ground sufficient for depriving him of his command; and the illplanned and ill-combined insurrection of the Cavaliers and invasion of the Scotch made him, as M. Villemain observes, too necessary to be deemed culpable. He marched first into Wales, and brought that crabbed expedition, as it was called, to a successful termination with his wonted celerity. That done, he proceeded against the Scotch, which, to the great furtherance of Cromwell's designs, Fairfax was not willing to do, for Fairfax had a sort of pyebald Presbyterian conscience, and strained at a gnat now, after having bolted so many camels. Cromwell had a

[* Huntington's Complaint, dated 2nd Aug., 1648, is printed in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 94-97, and in vol. ii. of Maseres' Tracts.]

great dislike of the Scotch as well as a great contempt for them; he perfectly understood what their armies were, having served with them in one campaign, and therefore readily consented to go against them with a very inferior force. That confidence might have been fatal to him, if there had been common prudence in the Duke of Hamilton and the other Scotch leaders; but the miserable creatures by whom the counsels of that army were directed chose to expose the English who were with them, instead of supporting them, when, by timely aid, the day might have been won. Cromwell declared he had never seen foot fight so desperately as the North-countrymen under Sir Marmaduke Langdale, at the battle of Preston, where they were so basely left without support. They had their reward. Cromwell followed their army, defeated and routed it, more being killed out of contempt, says Clarendon, than that they deserved it by any opposition. He then marched to Edinburgh, where he was received as a deliverer; and settling the affairs of that lawless country under the management of Argyll, left it with reason to believe that it would prove as peaceable as he could wish.

3

The part which Cromwell bore in the tragedy that ensued, and the manner in which the hypocrisy, the coarseness, and the levity of his character were displayed, when, not having felt power or courage to prevent the wickedness, he took the lead in it himself, are known to all persons who have any knowledge of English history. The powers of Europe had most of them secretly fomented the rebellion, and made no attempt to avert the catastrophe which it brought about. France more especially had acted treacherously toward the King; commenting upon which, in the earlier part of his history, Lord Clarendon has some memorable observations upon the impolicy as well as the injustice of such conduct, 66 as if," he says, "the religion of princes were nothing but policy, and that they considered nothing more than to make all other kingdoms but their own miserable; and because God hath reserved them to be tried only within his own jurisdiction, that he means to try them too by other laws and rules than he hath published to the world for his servants to walk by. Whereas they ought to consider that God hath placed them over his people as examples, and to give countenance to his laws by their own strict observation of them; and that as their sub

wipe it off; whereas," said he, "when one serves under a general, he may do as much service and yet be free from all blame and envy. And during these very discussions he whispered in the House to Ludlow, these men will never leave till the army pull them out by the ears." If Ludlow suspected any sinister view in Cromwell, he was himself too much engaged with the army to notice it at that time. But there were other members whose opposite interest opened their eyes; and who, knowing that Cromwell was the secret director of those very measures against which he inveighed, resolved to send him to the Tower, believing that if he were once removed the army might easily be reduced to obedience. They estimated his authority more justly than they did their own. It appears that he expected a more violent contest than actually ensued; for he and many of the Independents privately removed their effects from London, "leaving," says Hollis, "city and Parliament as marked out for destruction." He had timely notice of the design against him, and on the very morning when they proposed to arrest him, he set out for the army: but still preserving that dissimulation which he never laid aside where it could possibly be useful, he wrote to the House of Commons, saying, that his presence was necessary to reclaim the soldiers, who had been abused by misinformation; and desiring that the general (Fairfax), and such other officers who were in the House or in town, might be sent to their quarters to assist him in that good work.

On the very day that Cromwell joined the army, the King was carried from Holmby by Joyce [3 June, 1647]. That grey dis crowned head, as he himself beautifully calls it, the sight of which drew tears from his friends, and moved many even of his enemies to compunction as well as pity, excited no feeling or respect in this hard and vulgar ruffian, who had formerly been a tailor and afterwards a menial servant in Hollis's family. He produced a pistol as the authority which the King was to obey, and Charles believed that the intention in carrying him away was to murder him. Whether Joyce was employed by the Agitators. of whose body he was one, or whether, as Hollis* asserts and as is generally believed, Cromwell sent him, is of no consequence in Cromwell's character (though his descendant strenuously [* Hollis, in Maseres' Tracts, vol. i. p. 246.]

endeavours to show that he had no concern in the transaction), for it is only a question whether he was mediately or immediately the author. The insolence with which the act was performed is imputable to the agent; and there is some reason to believe that, whatever may have been the intention of Ireton, St. John, Vane, and other men of that stamp, Cromwell himself was at that time very far from having determined upon the death of the King. It was plain that the Parliament had no intention of making any terms with the King, except such as would have left him less real power than the Oligarchs of Venice entrusted to their Doge; and it was not less obvious that, as Charles might expect more equitable conditions from the army, who would treat with him as a part of the nation, not as a body contending for sovereignty, so on his side he would come to the treaty with better hope and a kindlier disposition. Indeed at this time he looked upon them with the feelings of a British king: "though they have fought against me," said he, “yet I cannot but so far esteem that valour and gallantry they have sometimes showed, as to wish I may never want such men to maintain myself, my laws, and my kingdom, in such a peace as wherein they may enjoy their share and proportion as much as any men." He had changed his keepers and his prison, but not his captive condition; only there was this hope of bettering, that they who were such professed patrons of the people's liberty, could not be utterly against the liberty of the King: "what they demanded for their own conscience," said he, "they cannot in reason deny to mine;" and it consoled him to believe that the world would now see a king could not be so low as not to be considerable, adding right to that party where he appeared.

So far he was right; it is the lively expression of Hollis that the army made that use of the King which the Philistines would have made of the ark, and that and their power together made them prevail. The description which he gives of the Parliament at this crisis holds forth an awful warning to those who fancy that it is as easy to direct the commotions of a state as to excite them; it is a faithful picture drawn by a leading member of that faction which had raised and hitherto guided the rebellion. “They now thunder upon us," he says, " with remonstrances, declarations, letters, and messages every day, commanding one day one thing,