tive points in political economy; for, though such disquisitions may serve the purposes of making an ostentatious display of the talents or eloquence of the persons employed by the remontrants to frame their representation or petition; in any other view, they are useless and impertinent, as it is to be presumed, that the greater number of the members of congress are acquainted with the elements of that science, and are capable of applying those elements for themselves. If remonstrances or petitions were draughted subject to these restrictions, and contained those grievances only which the petitioners really felt, it cannot be doubted that they might be of service to the public interest; because they would then give congress information which might be depended on, as to the operation of their laws, and congress might thus know the result of experience in regard to public measures, which they might previously have adopted with no better light, than such as they had borrowed from theory or analogy.

But such petitions or remonstrances should be carefully distinguished from one, which owes its origin to individuals, whose interests are concerned to procure the enactment or repeal of some particular law. For, these persons, if they happen to possess any considerable standing among the people, may very easily create a faction, by keeping their own private interests out of sight, and, at the same time calling assemblies and making great pretences of regard for the public interest, which they affect to consider to be deeply concerned. Such an occasion is greedily seized by aspiring young men to bring themselves into notice, and, if none are invited to attend the meeting as is frequently the case, but those who are 'favorable' to the object of it, it is very probable that every patriotic' and 'spirited' resolution will be adopted' unanimously;' and that many thoughtless spectators, who attend the meeting for the mere purpose of entertainment, from hearing a descant on one side of the subject only, will be brought to believe, almost any thing which the orators and leaders see fit to assert. In this way, a few selfish individuals, if possessing, singly, only a small share of influence in society, by uniting together, and then drawing in others, who are so simple as to believe, that they have no other aim than the public good,

may set on foot a faction, which may endanger the tranquillity of the whole Union.

A petition or remonstrance, deriving its origin from such a source, it is obvious, can be of no service to congress while legislating for the general interest of the community; but, on the contrary, is a gross abuse.

Again: Suppose a law to be already enacted, which certain persons think will be detrimental to their interests; still, if no detriment has already followed, the time to remonstrate has not arrived. Because, they ought to take for granted, that congress has weighed the matter and its consequences deliberately, before passing the law.

When a grievance has actually taken place, it would be very proper for the persons injured, to send a remonstrance, or petition, stating facts, to congress, with a request that they might have an opportunity to verify them by testimony. Such an opportunity, it would be very proper to afford the remonstrants; but all argumentative matter should be regarded as superfluous. For, it is the business of the representatives and senators, to argue the question of general expediency, especially those, who come from the neighborhood where the remonstrants reside, or who are elected by them. But, if such senators or representatives dissent from them, and express themselves accordingly in the senate or house, the remonstrants have the regular course of redress, of choosing others. If however they cannot succeed in the attempt on account of the preponderance of another class of interests, congress will perceive at last, that the remonstrance is nothing more than the expression of a wish on the part of a minority, that their interests should supersede those of the majority; it being presumed, however, that congress is acting constitutionally.

When grievances, which are stated in a remonstrance, are verified by testimony, it is to be presumed, that congress will provide a remedy for them, if it can be done without making a sacrifice of interests, which are of more importance.

Where a grievance affects a particular class of men only, it is absurd for those to subscribe the petition or remonstrance, who do not belong to the class; or, if they do, are not sufferers by it. For example, if the grievance affects booksellers

alone, it is absurd for blacksmiths, tailors, shoemakers, &c. &c. to subscribe the petition; because they must know that their interests are not affected, and if they subscribe it, it will be an attempt to practise a species of imposition on congress. It is on this account, that every one who subscribes a petition to congress, ought to add his trade or occupation, and if he does not, the name should be struck off.

In this way, the greater the number of remonstrants, the greater also would be the weight of the remonstrance, because it would then appear that each of them personally, felt a share of the grievance, which it was the object of the remonstrance

to remove.

But, if the remonstrance is merely filled with abstractions, and plausible speculations, and eloquent,'' spirited' and 'patriotic,' declamation, and subscribed by persons who do not mention their particular occupations, &c. it is odds that there is no real public grievance; but the whole probably is a scheme to overawe congress, concerted by a few influential persons, who have some private ends in view, and have drawn in the simple and unwary to subscribe what they know nothing about, and have no interest in, unless in fact it is one adverse to the remonstrance.

An attempt of this kind, however, would seldom be attended with much success, if both houses of congress always had the necessary firmness and steadiness. But, in popular governments, where men are elected to office because they are popular, the principles of those of them, whose popularity has little better foundation than watching the vane of public opinion, will seldom hold out long against a turbulent and insolent expression of the will of those, whe are supposed to be the people, but, who, in fact, are merely the restless, dissatisfied, ambitious and grasping part of them.

Where any public measure is adopted by congress, which any class of citizens, or portion or district of the country considers oppressive, the first question to be settled is, whether it is constitutional or not. This the supreme court of the United States is the only constitutional tribunal, having jurisdiction to determine. The mere opinions of the majority of any convention of individuals, assembled by their own authori

ty only, are entitled to no weight or consideration in congress. For, they are not the constitutional advisers of congress. They are not recognized as acting in any official capacity, nor have they any jurisdiction as a court. It will be sufficient therefore, for such assemblies to deliver their opinions to congress, when asked. But, if congress give them any weight, they wrong those quiet citizens, who stay at home and confine their ingenuity to the management of their own affairs, confiding, that no other class of citizens will have any greater share of public influence than themselves; but who, if they find that there is any advantage to be gained by forming conventions, and sending remonstrances to congress, will soon learn the lesson.

The next question is whether such measure is expedient? This congress is exclusively to decide. Here too, the opinions of any conventions not legally called under the authority of the United States, or of any of the states, are entitled to no weight. For, if congress is to be governed by any such opinions, the convention with which they originate, in effect becomes the congress, and congress is thus deprived of the exercise of its own power and discretion. But in fact, a remonstrance so indecorous as to express opinions to congress, and point out the path in which it ought to tread, should be lightly regarded. Further; if it comes from a majority of the people who belong to a class or district, whose interests are supposed to be peculiarly concerned, but who are in the minority in congress, it reflects great disgrace upon their representatives, as if they were unable to manage the affairs intrusted to them. Would it not be better then to send abler ones? On the other hand, if such representatives have faithfully discharged their duty to their constituents in this respect, and still are unable to convince congress, is it not apparent that the weight of reason in the minds of a majority of the members, is unfavorable to their view of the subject?

The choosing of delegates from different states in the union, to form a convention, with a view to induce congress to adopt any public measure, is a still greater abuse of the right of assembling, reserved to the people in the constitution. The organization of any such body of men, by choosing a president and

secretary, &c. and any high-toned resolves, &c. which they might adopt, would tend to excite mistrust, suspicion and alarm. What would they have? For, either they are the majority, in which case their conduct is absurd; because, they may remove from office those representatives who do not act agreeably to their wishes; or, they are the minority, in which case by organizing themselves, they expect to gain some advan tage of influence, which will turn the scale in their favor against the will of a majority of the people. But how is this to be done? Do they mean to extort from congress the adoption of any public measure, which to the minds of the members does not seem expedient? Do they mean to overawe by their boldness, the representatives of the people whom they are unable to convince by their arguments, when urged by their constitutional representatives in congress? But, if the members of congress, under the influence of some undefinable apprehension, should comply with the wishes of such convention, and adopt any measure not approved of by the majority of the people, they would at once violate their own consciences, and commit a breach of trust against their constituents,

If such convention should send an address to congress, containing argumentative matter to induce congress to come into their views, it would be equally impertinent and improperly directed. Such addresses ought to be made to the people. Let the people be once set right in their opinions, and there is no fear but that proper legislation will soon follow.

It is matter of regret, that individuals of respectability should ever be forward to take an active part in proceedings of this kind, which if coolly considered are certainly unwarrantable and inexpedient, because they tend to lessen the confidence of the people in their constitutional rulers. Is not the government democratic enough already? But must its deliberations be annoyed by addresses or lucubrations from conventions, originating in any thing but what they profess to originate in; perhaps the disappointed ambition of an unsuccessful candidate for office, who has no other way to attract notice, or to gain political influence and importance; perhaps in sordid interest acting through the medium of patriotism and under pretence of a disinterested regard for the welfare and prosperi