IN N the year 1715 a humble petition was presented to the House of Parliament from bishops and clergy of the Reformed Episcopal Churches first settled in Bohemia, and since forced, by the persecution of their enemies, to retire into Great Poland and Polish Prussia." And an order of the Privy Council was issued "for the relief and for preserving the Episcopal Churches in Great Poland and Polish Prussia." But although the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and other influential friends rendered material help to the petitioners, the two Acts of Parliament recognising their Church in these isles, and protecting their missionaries in the colonies, were not passed till the years 1747 and 1749, about the time when Count Zinzendorf, the founder of the modern Moravian brotherhood, was restored to royal favour in Saxony, and reinstated in his rights and possessions, after ten years' exile and deprivation of his estates. Thus the ancient society of the United Brethren found a refuge in this country in the days of persecution, whilst the moral and material support from private sources before their official recognition helped to revive the society when it had been all but dissolved. For these reasons, and also on account of the still existing settlement of the Moravians in England at the present moment, the social pioneerings of the Moravians ought to have special interest for English readers.*

In this paper we cannot enter into anything like a history of the United Brethren. We must content ourselves with a short account of their social constitution, which, although by no means altogether partaking of the character of Utopian experiments, still demands our notice because it is being constantly referred to by Socialistic writers as encouraging, in its successful results, the reconstruction of society upon a similar basis.

In speaking of the United Brethren as a body, we must distinguish two branches, so to speak, of the same stem-the Hutterites and the Herrnhuters. The former, or followers of Hutter, after the defeat of the rebel peasants at Frankenhaussen, mentioned in the previous paper, settled in Moravia to escape, as they called it, the servitude of Egypt, and to take possession, as the elect people of God, of the Land of Promise. They established a community of goods without falling into the gross errors of the Anabaptists elsewhere, and were distinguished from other sectaries of the times by the purity of their manners and the fervour of their religious convictions. Hutter himself was a sort of Cromwell on a smaller scale. He felt that Communism could only exist under severe and inflexible laws, administered by an authority purely religious, accepted freely and exercised despotically. None but men of blameless lives

* The members in this country amounted in 1876 to 5,646 out of 29,305, which constitutes the whole strength of the society. The chief seat of Moravianism in England is Fulneck, in Yorkshire.

and devout character were admitted into the community, and, thanks to the administrative skill of this firm and austere leader, and the rich fecundity of the soil he had selected for his operations, the success of the settlement was complete. A number of similar communities sprung up stimulated by this favourable result, and less prolific soils were occupied and turned into valuable properties by the exertion of the Brethren. The settlements bore pretty much the same character throughout. Palisades marked the boundary of each colony, cottages for separate households were built within the enclosure, and in the middle (as in Fourier's imagined Phalanstère)* there rose a conglomerate of public buildings for general purposes, comprehending a common refectory, magazines, workshops, and schoolrooms. Parents were relieved of the charge over their children, who were committed to widows of an advanced age to take care of them. An Economist, charged with the revenues and disbursements of the colony, was chosen annually by the brotherhood. Meals were taken in common, and in silence. Food was frugal, clothing and furniture of the simplest kind, and uniform in appearance. Work was done noiselessly, and feasts and festivals were totally abolished. Brethren were subjected to a severe discipline under the absolute rule of the Archimandrite, who, as to his office and powers, strongly resembled the Grand Metaphysician suggested in Campanella's "City of the Sun."†

The

From

"The first rule" of the society, we are told, was not to suffer any idle persons among the Brethren. early morning, after prayers, which each performed in private, some dispersed over the fields to engage in agricultural labour, others were busy in the public workshops at the respective trades which they had been taught. No one was exempt from work of some sort. Thus, if a person of position had joined their ranks he was reduced, according to the Lord's injunction, to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow. All outward vices were banished from the society. None but spiritual weapons were employed to prevent or punish disorders Public penance and exclusion from the Lord's Supper were punishments the most dreaded. The worst offenders were expelled from the communities and thrust back into the world.”

Thus the society, living in peaceable retirement, and gaining the confidence of landed proprietors who gladly let their farms to people of such frugal habits and honest trustworthiness, made considerable progress, and were treated with marked respect by the local authorities. They escaped almost entirely the persecution of the Protestants in the sixteenth century, but internal dissensions and religious disputes undermined the foundations of the newly-formed communities, and at last they were dissolved, and

many members returned to their original homes in Germany and Switzerland, where they became objects of public charity, so that the Senate of Zurich passed a decree that no more emigrations to the Moravian settlements should be allowed, since, in the words of the Act of the Legislative Assembly, "the emigrants returned to our States and became a burden to their relatives." A small remnant of the original settlers only survived; the last vestiges disappeared from the scene about 1620, during which and the following years bloody persecutions against the Protestants, under Ferdinand II of Austria, exterminated this as well as the other branch of the Moravian Church now to be considered.

This body, better known as the Unitas Fratrum, sprung from the remnant of persecuted Hussites.* It obtained permission from the reigning sovereign to retire to the lordship of Lititz, on the confines of Moravia and Silesia, and there to establish a colony with the liberty of introducing its own peculiar worship and discipline. Their numbers increased rapidly, recruited by citizens of Prague, members of the learned professions and the nobility from Bohemia and Moravia. They assumed the title, "Fratres legis Christi" at first, but presently, as this seemed to convey the idea of a monastic order, they exchanged it for that of "Unitas Fratrum," or the United Brethren. This was in 1457. Ten years later the Church was finally established at the Synod of Lotha, when three brethren, chosen by lot, were set apart for the ministry, having later on received Episcopal orders from their Waldensian brethren who had found refuge in Austria during the persecutions we have mentioned in a previous paper. External pressure, in the form of Government measures for the suppression of the sect, cemented their union, and such was the reverential regard in which they were held by the outer world, owing to their personal virtue and the signal Divine protection accorded them in the midst of persecution, that a proverb became current-"If any one is tired of life, let him lay hands on the Picards" (the nickname of the Moravians).

In the year 1500 the number of their parishes was about 200, and the communities were strictly under ecclesiastical government, whilst a common fund provided for all the emergencies of public expenditure, both ecclesiastical and secular. The elders watched over the moral purity of the society, and had the power to banish any members convicted of vicious habits; but there is no proof of the actual establishment of a community of goods among them at that time or at any later period of their eventful history.

On the contrary, we are assured by Mr. Holmes in his "History of the United Brethren," that nothing like a community of goods exists in any of the Moravian settlements, although it is expected "that all the inhabitants will take a voluntary share, according to their ability, in defraying the necessary public expenses, and as good citizens be amenable to the municipal regulations of the settlement." The friendly relations which had been established between the United Brethren and the Protestant Churches in the Germanic Empire subjected them to the usual pains and penalties, especially the brethren in Bohemia. They found a temporary exile in Poland and

* See "Leisure Hour," 1879, p. 189.

+ Marsden, Dictionary of Christian Churches and Sects," i. p. 103. Holmes, "History of the Protestant Churches of the United

Prussia, where they established a new branch of the society. The final expulsion took place six years after the persecution mentioned already, in 1621, when their last Bishop, Comenius, who had been a preacher in Fulneck, in Moravia, which is, so to speak, the sacred Mecca of the United Brethren, left the country, and after living in various lands, and for a time in English exile, returned to Amsterdam, where he died in 1670.

The

Nearly a century passed away before we hear again of the Brethren, who seemed extinct, but some of them remained here and there in secret and retirement, keeping up the continuity of their Church and social institutions. Great political convulsions had disturbed Europe during this period. horrors of the Thirty Years' War had devastated and depopulated Germany; the Great Rebellion, the Restoration, and the Second Revolution had passed over England; and in France the gradual concentration of power in the hands of the monarch succeeded those intestine struggles, religious and social, the League and the Fronde, which followed in the wake of the Reformation. Thus the foremost nations of Europe lay prostrate from exhaustion. Monarchical absolutism laid its heavy hand on the oppressed people, who had neither the will nor the power to oppose the encroachments of royalty upon their persons and property. Saxony and France were allied by a royal marriage at this period. The Pompadour, a minion of the king, ruled in the French capital; Brühl, an unprincipled minister, was paramount in power at the court of Saxony. Heavy and unjust taxation ground to powder the people in both countries. Murmurs of discontent in the former and the latter were silenced behind dungeon walls, where the malcontents were incarcerated sometimes for life. A noble-minded Saxon, Count Zinzendorf, disgusted with these enormities in high places, leaves his post of honour in the council chamber, and seeks for peace of soul away from the vices of society, and withdraws from the world to the quiet hamlet Herrnhut, built in 1722, as an asylum for himself and others likeminded. The remnant of the Brethren which was left in Bohemia and Moravia joined him, and thus formed the nucleus of the new society of the United Brethren, whose settlements spreading from thence in different directions are now extending over all parts almost of the habitable globe.

The settlement in its early commencement and the spirit of its founder was intended as a standing protest against the corruptions of civil life and the decadence of true religion in Germany. The rigidity of formal religion was invading Protestant Churches as it had before deadened the religious life of the Church, and there was an infuriating demand for a new reformation in Church and State in the presence of coldness and indifference in sacred things as well as injustice and oppression in secular matters. Pious Mysticism and Christian Socialism, so often found together, revived as they had done in the pre-Reformation period, protesting against corruption in Church and State; and Zinzendorf, together with his school of pilgrims traversing the Old and New World to make converts to spiritual religion and social simplicity in both hemispheres, recalls to our mind the efforts of the Beghards and the Fratricelli, the Lollards and the Apostolici of an earlier

age.

applicable to the earlier ones.

I did not always find it easy to make ministerial firmness agree with the meekness of a disciple of Christ, and this has been a hindrance to my advance in the religion of the heart. Sometimes when I ought to have sought for victory by patient endurance, I have endeavoured to obtain it by making use of my civil prerogatives; but I have not always succeeded. Other and greater sufferings, such as have befallen my brethren, may await me in future; but I lay aside the armour of Saul, and choose Him for my defence who gave strength to the shepherd's boy."*

Inspired by such sentiments, we see Zinzendorf devoting all his energies to the new cause, and undergoing hardships, trials, and disappointments without stopping short for a moment in his career, as eager in his spiritual apostolate as St. Paul, as active as Robert Owen in his attempts at social reform. Now we find him among the doctors at Tübingen to gain recognition for his people as an orthodox community; then again at Copenhagen to get the royal patronage for his missions; now holding conferences with the Archbishop of Canterbury; then again holding discourses before Berlin assemblies; one day suddenly appearing among the German settlers in Pennsylvania, and then again among the chiefs of the Red Indians in the Susquehannah, to organise among them his new societies. Returning from time to time to Herrnhut to put things in order and to compose financial difficulties, he continued his labour of love indefatigably and fearlessly until in 1760 he passed away, completing his last work, the revision of the "Daily Words," which he handed over to his amanuensis with the remark, “Now rest is sweet."+

The constitution of the Moravian Brethren since the death of their second founder has undergone some changes in favour of self-government. There has been a gradual and peaceful evolution from ecclesiastical imperialism to democratic ecclesiasticism, or the rule of spiritual heads by means of popular suffrage. As economic difficulties called for a more representative form of government, and the rapid spread of the society in all parts of the world made implicit obedience to a central authority more difficult and irksome, provincial synods and local self-government were added to the general synod of the whole body. Moreover, the three great revolutions in France, with their influences on the social conditions of other European countries, could not fail of producing some effect, even on a society of this kind, living apart from the rest of mankind in their semi-religious social seclusion, and so the progress of democracy might be traced among the Herrnhuters in its successive steps keeping time with the same movement in the outer world, and gradually changing their mode of government from personal rule to a collegiate administration, from centralisation to decentralisation, and with every crisis introducing new reforms in the directory. Thus they preserved the society from splitting up into separate communities by according autonomy to all without unloosening the common bond of union between them.

Although not actually Communists, the United Brethren in their social organisation aim at comparative equality, and social distinctions are unknown among them. Several hundred families often live in the same building, having a common kitchen and dining-room. The produce of their labour is thrown

Holmes, "History of United Brethren," vol. i. p. 235. † Cranz, "Modern History of the Brethren," p. 498.

into a common stock, and distributed by fiscal authorities elected by the community from among its members. The stewards and elders of the brotherhood chosen to this office have charge of all secular matters, and are responsible to the general assemblies for the proper discharge of their trust. The people, as a rule, are divided into choirs, according to sex and state. There are choirs of youths and maidens, of husbands and wives, of widowers and widows. Maidens, wives, and widows are distinguished by the colour of their ribbons.

Education is common, and all are treated as members of the same family. All work at some calling or another, and none are idle. Accumulation of capital is rendered practically impossible, since the superfluities of the more wealthy are expected to be devoted to the wants of the needy. Want, accordingly, is unknown, and undue differences between rich and poor are lessened by the exercise of Christian charity.

Marriages are contracted with scrupulous care, and to the exclusion of all mercenary considerations; nor is there any strong tendency towards celibacy among the brethren, as the training and maintenance of the children is provided for by public institutions. The Moravians in many respects resemble the Essenes,; their differences correspond to the distinctive peculiarities which separate Judaism from Christianity. There is less asceticism among the Moravians, and their social arrangements and the physiological basis on which they rest might be called St. Simonian on strictly Christian principles. In fact, religious principles are to them the guide of life, and the dissemination of the Christian religion is the bond of union between the several societies of Moravians all over the world. Social arrangements are only of secondary importance as means to this end, and accordingly we find that every sceptical wave passing over Europe and diminishing religious enthusiasm among the members has had a considerable effect on the growth and condition of the society. Towards the middle of the eighteenth century it counted 70,000 members; in 1852 Thonissen, in his history of Socialism, estimated their number at 18,000 only. According to latest official returns, examined by the present writer, there has been an increase upon this, the total number up to the year 1876 being 29,305, which might be attributed to the revival of religious life in the last quarter of the present century. The general prosperity of the society, again, is owing entirely to the spirit of Christian self-denial and devotion to the missionary cause among them. "What furnished the Church with such abundant resources," says one of its historians, "was that no one thought of living to himself, but only for the Lord and His Church. Everywhere might be witnessed a severe temperance; all were prepared to be satisfied with the most frugal fare, narrow house accommodation, and furniture of the most simple kind. Clothing was equally simple, etc. In a word, the love of poverty, side by side with continued labour, in which children were taught to share from an early age, trust and thankfulness towards God, joined to acts of charity towards the Brethren, such were the sources of comparative wealth, so that no one lacked the necessaries of life, while no one enjoyed any superfluities. If any one sought external ease and comfort, or wished to amass [property], not disposed to follow the Saviour in His poverty and holiness, such a one could

In fact, since the year 1727, the society has become, and, under varying circumstances, remained to be, a community of "brethren" in the apostolical sense of the word, religiously and socially. Private property is not abolished, but to a certain extent the apostolical obligation of contributing towards the common fund, without establishing a rigid Communism, remains the binding law of the Moravian Society. The same may be said of the apostolical zeal for missions, which recalls the astounding efforts and successes of the Primitive Church. The first missionaries left for "Greenland's icy mountains" in 1733. Others followed in rapid succession, until Labrador and Indiana, the West Indies, South America, and even Australia, were visited in turns. Negroes and Bushmen, Hindoos and Hottentots, received the Divine message from Moravian missionaries and evangelists. At the same time home missions in Europe were not neglected, and the religious ardour of the Brethren was communicated to other religious bodies by means of emissaries sent forth for that purpose.

At the present moment about 68,000 persons are under missionary influence, and thousands of children and young people of various ages are educated in the schools and colleges of the Moravian missions abroad.

The temporal well-being and social improvement of the races among whom the Brethren work is attended to as well as their spiritual welfare, and so the benefits of civilised modes of life are taught, together with the spirit of Christian self-denial, insomuch so that the condition of the converted heathen soon surpasses in outward prosperity and peaceable ordering of the commonwealth that of the unconverted tribes around them.†

'Along the whole extent of the western coast of Greenland the barbarities of savage life, and the enormities attending paganism, where dominant, are rarely to be met with," wrote M. Holmes in 1827; "and the state of this country, compared with what it was eighty, or but fifty years ago, may be called civilised. The nature and climate of this dreary region, no less than the methods by which the natives must procure their subsistence, necessarily preclude the introduction of most of the useful arts of civilised society. They can neither till the land nor engage in manufactures. The power is denied them by the sterility of the rocks they inhabit, and the rigours of the polar sky; and the latter, with very few exceptions, are, for the same reasons, rendered useless. But it may be said with truth, that the converted Greenlanders, by their habits of industry, which they have acquired since the introduction of the gospel among them, by their contentment amidst many privations and hardships, and by the charity of the more affluent of their needy brethren, strikingly exemplify the doctrine of the great Apostle of the Gentiles, that in every circumstance of life and in every nation, Godliness is great gain, having the promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come." +

And thus may be applied to these semi-barbarous societies the praise bestowed on the early Moravians

A. Bost, "Histoire Ancienne et Moderne de l'Eglise des Frères de Bohème et de Moravie," tome ii. p. 15.

† See Spangenberg's "Account of the Manner in which the Protesta Churches of the Unitas Fratrum preach the Gospel," etc., p. 102.

Holmes, "Historical Sketches of the Missions of the United Brethren," p. 64.

said, as far back as 1659, that they are an honest, simple-hearted people, humble, godly, laborious, well trained up, and lovers of discipline."*

The late Mr. Wilberforce, in his well-known work on "Practical Christianity," speaks of the Moravian missionaries as "a body of Christians who have, perhaps, excelled all mankind in solid and unequivocal proofs of the love of Christ, and of the most ardent, active, and patient zeal in His service. It is a zeal," he continues, "tempered with prudence, softened with meekness, soberly aiming at great ends by the gradual operation of well adapted means, supported by a courage which no danger can intimidate, and quiet constancy which no hardship can exhaust." The missions to Greenland, to Labrador, to the American Indians, to the negroes of the West Indies, and to the natives of Southern Africa, though the chief, are not the only missions of the Moravian Church. To the aborigines of Australia a mission was established nineteen years ago (1859), and another was commenced in Thibet, to the Mongol tribes, a little before (1854). There are two stations in each of these missions, and each may be regarded as a kind of outpost of the Christian church in the wilds of heathenism. Indeed, it is the occupying of outposts such as these which has been the peculiar work and honour of the Moravian Brethren.

M. Villegardelle cites with approval a plan for the gradual reconstruction of society on the Moravian plan by M. Faiguet in Diderot's "Encyclopædia." The latter mentions the survival of some ancient families of labourers in Auvergne, who, he says, might be called the Moravians of France, and whose mode of life resembles in all essential respects that of the Moravians, a very short and imperfect sketch of which has been presented to the readers of this paper. The question suggests itself whether the social arrangements of the Moravians could easily be adapted to society at large, and if so, whether their success, such as it is, would make it desirable to do so even if it were possible.

We saw how religious fanaticism and theological differences brought about the dissolution of that branch of the Moravians, where a most thoroughgoing Communism prevailed from first to last. We also saw how the fervour of religious belief, in its most simple form, has all along been the main source of strength in the formation and continuation of the still existing second body of Moravians, and how their success, numerically and financially, has depended entirely on the rigour and purity of the religious life. The abatement, therefore, of religious ardour, or the possible development of religious animosities, might at any time prove a serious danger to the society. How, then, could any large body of human beings, say in a nation or aggregate of nations, be held together socially, either in the presence of religious indifference among its component members, or in the presence of varying religious beliefs, and not unfrequently religious animosities engendered by them?

But suppose these insuperable difficulties could be overcome for the sake of argument, and the "enthusiasm of humanity" of our modern speculators could

See the favourable opinion of Charles Wesley respecting the Moravians in his day in Holmes's "History of the United Brethren," vol. i. p. 310, which corresponds with the favourable opinion of the public in our own day in the civilised countries of Europe generally. [The Moravians who read this paper will generously interpret the writer's criticisms, not as showing any want of personal respect and admiration, but as a candid consideration of the possible adaptation of the system to society at large -ED. L. H.]

replace the religious ardour, it would still remain a doubtful supposition whether the state of civilisation and contented simplicity of the Moravians is the highest possible state to be aimed at by society at large. Has their general culture and mental development reached that height of perfection which we, in this age of refined intellectualism, regard as the highest ideal? Has progress in the arts and sciences, and the enlightened toleration which accompanies such advancement, been the distinguishing mark of this excellent society? What would happen if their patriarchal simplicity became the general rule for all mankind? Retrogression rather than progress would be the result, and the dull monotony of comparative ease, indeed, but without that which embellishes and gives the charm of novelty and variety to existence, would soon become insupportable. The regular tread of the companies of workers proceeding day after day to their labour in choirs without song; marching on in mute selfabsorption, acquitting themselves of their task rigorously assigned them by authority; the uniformity of sombre dress and furniture, with its oppressive influence on the senses, and the passive obedience to orders, without the exercise of spontaneity and individual discovery, would deaden the mental activities and reduce the rational creature to the condition of a self-acting machine. Even the softer emotions of love and friendship in the natural selection of the sexes would be reduced to system, or left to chance, as in the casting of lots of those to be united in holy matri

WHI

mony. All this, so far from ameliorating the social conditions of humanity, would only substitute other social evils for those already existing, and cast a sadness and a gloom over human hearts unrelieved by those rays of a better hope, and unsoftened by those higher aspirations of the spiritual life, which now console the Moravian Brethren in the midst of voluntary privations, and in the absence of the varied enjoyments of a cultured society.

Whilst, then, we cannot help admiring the signal piety, the moral grandeur, the beauty of self-denial, and the fortitude of character to be found among this simple-minded people, we cannot help noticing, on the other hand, that it has not produced as yet any real genius; that its social status has never passed the point of respectable mediocrity; that its literary and scientific attainments are not of the highest order; that as a society it has never risen above the low level of ordinary competency. Such being the case, the past history and present condition of the Moravian communities may serve, indeed, as a practical example of simple contentedness to our modern society in its insatiable thirst after luxurious indulgence. As a model of self-devotion to the common cause in an age of egotistical materialism, it may even be regarded as a standing monument of high motive, as a guide for those who seek to bring about a social regeneration on a moral basis; but the social organisation of the Moravians, as a whole, can never serve as a pattern for the reconstruction of the society of the future, while human nature remains as it is.

WHILST staying in the colony of Natal some years ago, I determined to visit Zululand and pay my respects to the powerful and savage monarch who then occupied the throne of that warlike kingdom. This was no other than Umpanda, the father of Cetewayo, and brother of Chaka and of Dingaan, during whose respective reigns the Zulu power had become the most formidable of all the native tribes of Southern Africa

To effect my object it was necessary to send forward into the Zulu country from the Natal boundary a couple of native messengers to request the king's permission for me to enter his dominions. This having been granted after a fortnight's delay, I crossed the Tugela river and entered Zululand. My retinue consisted only of a single white companion, a young fellow who spoke the language and knew the country well, and five Kaffir bearers on foot to carry our supplies and the presents I intended for his Zulu majesty.

For the first two days our journey lay through a desolate region called the neutral ground, or "no man's land," without inhabitants, and abounding in game and wild beasts of various kinds. The country consisted of open, grassy hills, dotted with mimosatrees and clumps of the graceful strelitzia, and interspersed here and there with rocky ravines, clothed with jessamine and other fragrant flowers. On crossing the River Umslatuzana, which was unpleasantly infested by crocodiles, we found ourselves again in a somewhat populous region, with Zulu kraals, or villages, scattered here and there, and with much cultivation of maize, millet, and tobacco, and large herds of cattle.

Having breakfasted at one of these kraals on milk and cakes made of millet, we pushed on rapidly through a somewhat rocky region, covered with lofty aloes and large euphorbium-trees, eventually ascending a ridge of the Black Tiger Mountains, from whence we obtained a fine view of the richly-wooded valley of the White Umvelosi river, the haunt of the rhinoceros and the elephant. Descending from these mountain tracts, along a steep ravine covered with loose fragments of porphyry, we at length reach the banks of the White Umvelosi, a river not deep, but clear as crystal, flowing on over bright sands, here and there interrupted by a ridge of rock, over which the waters eddied in miniature cascades. The banks of this stream were lined with weepingwillows, whilst palms and other tropical-looking vegetation rendered the scenery extremely rich and beautiful. We once more crossed ranges of great elevation, and finally, in the distance, bathed in the glow of the setting sun; on the summit of a broad, green hill, quite bare of trees, we saw before us the great military kraal of Indaba Kaombi, with its hundreds of bee-hive-shaped huts, forming one large town in the shape of an ellipse.

Here we expected to find the king. In this, however, we were disappointed, his majesty having gone on to Nonduengu, another great military kraal, thirty miles distant. Thoroughly tired out with our long day's ride, we were glad to rest for the night, but were unable to get anything for supper beyond a small calabash of milk, as the kraal was comparatively deserted.

By daybreak we were crossing high, open downs, from whence we saw a most glorious sunrise, and