tions which your Excellency has proposed with so much seeming emotion, we beg leave to declare, that we will not suffer ourselves to be in the least influenced by party animosities or domestic feuds, let them exist where they may: that, if we can possibly prevent it, this fine country shall never be ruined by any persons: that it shall be through no default of ours, should this people be deprived of the great and manifest advantages, which the favour and indulgence of our most gracious sovereign and his Parliament are even now providing for them. On the contrary, that it shall be our highest ambition, as it is our duty, so to demean ourselves in public and private life, as shall most clearly demonstrate our loyalty and gratitude to the best of kings, and thereby recommend this people to further gracious marks of the royal clemency and favour."

"With regard to the rest of your Excellency's speech, we are sorry we are constrained to observe, that the general air and style of it savours much more of an act of free grace and pardon, than of a parliamentary address to the two houses of assembly; and we most sincerely wish your Excellency had been pleased to reserve it, (if needful) for a procla

mation."

After these answers to the Governor, a committee, of which Otis was chairman, reported an address of thanks to the king for the repeal of the stamp act, which glowed with the most affectionate loyalty; thereby placing in a strong light the difference of their feelings towards the sovereign, or “his re

presentative." The house also passed a vote of thanks to several members of both houses of Parliament for their efforts in favour of the Colonies. The subject of remuneration to Hutchinson and others, was referred to a future session. They considered, that making compensation would be an act of generosity, rather than justice, and therefore wished to consult their constituents, before they burthened them with the expense. They also in expressing "their abhorrence of the madness and barbarity" of the offenders, wished that they might be brought to justice. The Governor sent a message in answer, that was perfectly consistent with his former insinuations; alluding to their wish to discover the offenders he said, "I dare say it will be no difficult work to trace this matter to the bottom." The House immediately appointed a committee to wait on his Excellency, to ask him for any information which he might possess, as to the individuals concerned in the riots. He told them he had heard many hints, and some persons named, but he had no minutes; that he would endeavour to recollect what he had heard, and inform them. A committee of secresy was appointed for this purpose, to sit in the recess; but when they called on the Governor, he could give them no information. The angry and implacable disposition of Bernard, and the malignity of those about him, led him to the most striking display of injustice and impolicy in this affair. Bent on stigmatizing the patriotic party, which, in fact, comprised the whole commu

nity, he persevered in representing all the inhabitants of Boston as participating in the outrages that had taken place; although it was notorious, that they were universally grieved and indignant at those excesses, not only on account of the injury to the individuals whose property was destroyed, but because they truly foresaw, that their enemies would make it a pretence to calumniate them. If it was the object of the Governor and his adherents to prevent compensation being made; they took the most effectual measures for that purpose.

There was one occurrence at this session, that forms a remarkable event in the history of legislation. It laid the foundation of a most important change in their practice, which has since been adopted in the legislative assemblies of all free countries. Hitherto, in Massachusetts, as every where else, the sittings of the legislature had been close; no strangers were admitted to hear the debates. In England, a few persons were admitted by particular favour to listen to the debates in parliament, but were not allowed to report the speeches of the members, though some persons were occasionally employed, who repeated from memory what they had heard; and from these broken hints, speeches for the members were composed and published under feigned names, or only with initials, and purporting to have been delivered at a political club.* At this session on the 3d day of June, 1766,

The anecdote of Dr. Samuel Johnson on this subject is well known. When certain celebrated speeches in parliament were praised, he said, "those speeches I wrote in a garret."

Otis brought forward a proposition, and was afterwards made chairman of a committee to carry it into effect," for opening a gallery for such as wished to hear the debates." This was the first instance of authorized publicity being given to legislative deliberations; an innovation that essentially harmonized with the spirit of representative governments, and became one of the most powerful modes of diffusing knowledge, and creating a watchfulness of political affairs among the people.

Chapter XVI.

Joseph Hawley-John Hancock-Samuel Adams.

an acces

THE legislature of this year received an sion of three eminent members, who were returned to it for the first time; Joseph Hawley, John Hancock, and Samuel Adams. Major Hawley, a representative from Northampton, acquired a very remarkable influence in the public councils. Perhaps Massachusetts can boast of no citizen in all her annals more estimable. He continued in the legislature till 1776, and during that period, it has been said, that no vote on any public measure, either was, or could have been carried, without his assent.

Joseph Hawley was born in 1724, educated at Yale College, and followed the profession of the law in Northampton, where he died in 1788, aged 64 years. As a lawyer he was possessed of great learning; able as a reasoner, and a very manly, impressive speaker. He was at the head of the bar in the western counties of the Province. He had studied with diligence the principles of law, as connected with political institutions. This had prepared him for a clear perception of the effects, that would have resulted from the execution of the ministerial plans against the colonies; and caused him to take the most ardent and decisive part against the Stamp Act, and the whole series of arbitrary measures that followed it. The adherents of the administration dreaded him more than

any individual in his part of the country, and, as usual, endeavoured, though most completely in vain, to injure his character. They succeeded, indeed, in their official persecution in throwing him over the bar, to which he was, however, soon restored.

The almost unexampled influence acquired by Major Hawley, was owing not only to his great talents, but still more perhaps to his high minded, unsullied, unimpeachable integrity. His enemies sought to undermine his reputation, by calumniating his motives, as was their manner towards every dis tinguished man on the patriotic side. They said, his conduct was factious and principles ruinous, and that the only object which he and his co-adjutors had in view, was, to bring themselves into power