Senator DONNELL. Mr. Chairman, I would like for this record not to remain silent with respect to the comment from the distinguished Senator from Delaware in regard to what he terms the highly technical distinction between the States and the National Government. I, for one, do not share the feeling that there is a mere technical distinction. To my mind there is a very fundamental question as to whether the process of education, the things that are ancillary and subordinate to education, are primarily the functions of the State government or National Government. I, for one, do not subscribe to the principle that there is a mere technical difference between the two departments of the Government.

Senator SMITH. I agree with the Senator from Missouri.

Senator TUNNELL. It is at least a controversial matter. I regard it as a highly controversial matter.

Senator WALSH. I would like to give an expression of my views on this question. In my own State, education is a matter of local taxation. Some communities tax their citizens very highly and have excellent schools, while others do not make the same sacrifice, and therefore their schools are not as good. Now, if there were a uniform contribution of whatever wealth there was in any State and there was not enough money for education there, I think the Federal Government ought to assist. But unless there is a uniform contribution, I confess I do not know how far the Federal Government ought to go in insisting on education. In other words, the people might tax themselves $20 a thousand with whatever wealth they have, and another State might tax themselves $2 a thousand with whatever wealth they have. It seems to me there is an element of justice involved here, and perhaps we should ask those that tax themselves $20 a thousand to tax themselves $25 a thousand in order to help the communities where there has only been a sacrifice or a tax of $2 a thousand and where they could not afford any more. That has been the thesis of the whole thing.

I want to help these poor backward States. There seems to be no way of compelling them to do things for themselves. In my own State they have the very best schools and teachers of the highest grade where they have the highest tax, and the next community, if it made the same sacrifice, could have just as good schools. I do not know any way to correct these things except by having them sacrifice proportionately with whatever wealth they have and do whatever may be necessary for the schools.

Senator HILL. I know we want to hear the witnesses and not testify ourselves. I appreciate what the Senator has said, particularly as between school districts of cities and counties within a particular State, but the record very clearly shows that those States where the schools are poorest, where the more meagre opportunity for education is for the children, they are the States that are making the greatest effort in taxing themselves the heaviest for the education of their children.

Senator WALSH. Yes.

Senator HILL. The evidence shows that very conclusively.

Miss BORCHARDT. Mr. Chairman, in view of the fact that we are very eager to have our southern witnesses testify while the distinguished Senator from Alabama is with us, we would like at this time to

present, first, the southern representative of the American Federation of Labor, Mr. George L. Googe.

Senator MORSE. Mr. Chairman, may I interrupt for a moment for the purpose of clearing the record as to the qualifications of the witness?

Senator WALSH. Yes.

Senator MORSE. I am sure Miss Borchardt will not take offense at anything I am saying, because I ask only for information. I have noted her activity in regard to the presentation of these witnesses, and I am not clear in my own mind as to her qualification, as to whom she represents. I wonder whether she would favor me, at leastwhether other members of the committee are interested in it or notwith a statement as to her background and her qualifications?

Senator WALSH. Give your name and address and qualifications for the record, please.

Miss BORCHARDT. Well, as to background, I am a product of the public schools of Washington, D. C. I took my undergraduate degree at Syracuse University, and my graduate work has been done at Johns Hopkins, the University of Chicago, and Catholic University. My law degree was obtained here in the city at the Washington College of Law.

I have taught in the public schools of Washington, I was a rural supervisor of schools in Maryland, I have been instructor at the Washington College of Law. I am vice president and Washington representative of the American Federation of Teachers and have so served for a number of years.

Senator MORSE. You are president of the Teachers Union?

Miss BORCHARDT. Vice president of the American Federation of Teachers and a member of the Commission on Educational Reconstruction.

Senator MORSE. Just for the record, would you mind telling me whether or not your participation in support of this bill rests upon a paid job?

Miss BORCHARDT. Senator, in all the years that I have served in and for the American Federation of Teachers and the American Federation of Labor, I have not, directly or indirectly, received any compensation or honorarium for any service rendered the teachers or the labor movement.

Senator MORSE. Thank you.

Senator WALSH. Mr. Googe, you may proceed.

STATEMENT OF GEORGE L. GOOGE, SOUTHERN REPRESENTATIVE OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR

Mr. GOOGE. My name is George L. Googe. I am southern representative of the American Federation of Labor, in charge of organization in the Southern States. I am a full-time salaried representative of the American Federation of Labor. My knowledge of education is limited to eighth-grade education.

I have represented the American Federation of Labor, as its representative, on the President's Advisory Committee on Education, and Dr. Reeves was the chairman of the commission. I was the A. F. of L. representative on that Committee.

I speak for the southern workers as a southern worker. We are from a part of the country that stands for States' rights and asks for Federal aid. We want the State to run its own affairs. But we want the northern financiers who own the material wealth of our State to contribute to the maintenance and development of our cultural growth. We are poor in money. We need money. But we are proud as well as we are poor. But no man's pride will stop him from asking for help for a child.

We come before you to ask for help to promote the physical, moral, and mental well-being of every child.

The citizens of the United States are proud to claim that every child has an equal opportunity in this country. But does he? That depends to a considerable extent on the kind of home and living standards his father is able to give him.

Turning to data of per capita income by States, we find an average of $1,026 for New England; $1,061 for the Middle Atlantic; East North Central, $928; West North Central, $778; South Atlantic, $657; East South Central, $468; West South Central, $613; Mountain, $803; and Pacific, $1,154.

The South Atlantic divisions, by States, had the following per capita income:

The East South Central had the following income per capita:

$523

459

498

655

$598

677

Per capita income determines how the individual lives and how the community progresses. It is obvious that the homes in these Southern States cannot be as comfortable as some others; that clothing cannot be very expensive or plentiful; that food will not include luxuries.

It is equally obvious that States with low average per capita incomes. will not have high State revenues with which to provide services for its citizens. Among the most important of these services are public schools.

The following table shows school receipts as compared with teachers' salaries in the South Atlantic-East South Central-West South Central States:

1 Includes Federal, State, county and local contributionx, as well as endowments, etc. Average for superintendents, principals and teachers.

Source: U. S. Office of Education.

Rejection rates by educational deficiency for rejection per 1,000 white1 regis trants examined at local boards and induction stationus, April 1942 to March 1943

⚫ States having less than 0.3 percent of total Negro registrants are omitted.

1 California not calculated because salaries and number of personnel are for different years.

1 Includes revenue receipts from Federal sources and subsidies from educational foundations.

? Average for superintendents, principals and teachers.

Average not given for 1941-42. Figure for 1939-40 was $2,351.

Source: U. S. Office of Education figures as of 1941-42.

Mr. GOOGE. I do want to call attention to the number of selectiveservice inductees who were rejected because of educational deficiencies. For instance, in Alabama there were 50.5 persons per 1,000, that is, white persons, and there were 186.6 Negroes, draftees, refused because of educational deficiency.

Another illustration is North Carolina. There were 36 rejections for educational deficiency among the whites from North Carolina, and 258.7 rejections per 1,000 among Negroes in North Carolina. In other words, over 25 percent were rejected.

I do want to say that I think those two illustrations illustrate the crying need for educational assistance in those States, and I want to say this quite frankly, there will be no solution to the racial problems, particularly in the South, until we can equalize educational opportunities for all citizens in this country regardless of race.

Senator CHAVEZ. What about economic opportunities?

Mr. GOOGE. I was just going to say that, Senator. Also you have get to equalize the economic opportunities.

It might be of interest to this committee for me to mention this fact, that about 15 months ago, in a conference in Atlanta, Ga., with over 4,800 representatives of AFL unions that were called into a 3-day conference in the City of Atlanta, there were out of that number approximately 690 Negro delegates from our local unions in the South, and that conference unanimously-and I think it was an historic step of enlightenment and lack of intolerance-that conference voted unanimously to fight for not only economic equality on the job, but to fight for equality of opportunity for the Negro worker the same as the white worker in the South.