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All, that are acquainted with the transactions of that war, do well know, that the Dutch began their preparations for that war, long before the English apprehended it. They ordered an hundred and fifty ships to be equipped out, and beat up their drums for voJunteers to man them, amusing the English with a declaration, That this was done to secure the commerce; so that no preparations extraordinary were then set on foot in England. And, whilst they were in league with this nation, and in the midst of a treaty for a stricter alliance, their admiral most perfidiously comes into Dover road, with an intent to destroy the English navy, and ascertain thereby to his masters the dominion of the sea. I more willingly mention these things, because they are an instance, to some peo ple, not only of the perfidiousness of the Dutch, but of the equity of his majesty's present quarrel; for that war was grounded upon the striking of the flag, and the dominion of the seas; and it is apparent faction, not any colourable reason, which can sway any man, that approved of that war, to condemn this. It is also an instance, that the present quarrel of the Dutch is not with his majesty, his royal highness, and the court, but with the nation. other cases, it is irrational and imprudent to distinguish betwixt the political and private capacity of our king; but, in this, they are so inseparable, that the interests of the people, king, and court are all one, and equally concerned in the evil success of our fleet: And, were we, by a detestable faction, deprived of the king and court, the controversy would still remain betwixt the Dutch and the unhappy survivors in England. It was not the want of force, at that time, which occasioned the misfortunes of the Hol landers, but the courage and valour of the English. And what may we not, under God, promise ourselves from the same persons now, who, besides the sense of their past victories, have this further incitement, That they fight under their lawful prince (a prince so just and generous) and the auspicious conduct of his royal highness?

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6 Through all these difficulties, and innumerable others, we have, by the mercies of God, waded, and would have wished with all our souls, by a long continued unity (the true and innocent inte rest of our peace-coveting republick) to have tasted the fruits of our sharp labours and dangers; but it hath pleased God to order and dispose it otherwise, who, by his just and adorable judgments, forceth us to acknowledge, that we now, as much as ever, stand in need of his powerful protection, since we find ourselves, at this present time, encompassed with a necessity to oppose the extre mest assault + of the greatest forces of Europe, with a power, which, indeed, is inconsiderable, in comparison of that of our ene

This is expressed in the declaration of the pretended commonwealth; and they determined to assert the right of the flag, not only as an honourable salute, but as a testimony of their undoubted right and dominion upon the neighbouring seas.

+ These expressions argue fear in the authors: And it ought to add to the courage of the Eng lish, that besides the terrors of an evil conscience, and the apprehensions of divine vengeance for their present perfidy, and former barbar ties to the murdered and ruinated English; they are also sensible of the puissance of their enemies, now in conjunction against them.

mies, by which yet, how weak soever, we do not despair to defend and secure ourselves; strengthened with hopes, that God shall please to look upon the equity of our innocent case, with the eyes of his justice, and our sins and defects with the eyes of his mercy.'

And, in truth, if ever the sword is drawn in time of necessity, and for innocent defence of our dear country, it is at this present, in which it seems the grandees of this world have, in the counsel of the power of darkness, concluded the ruin and destruction of the United Netherlands, assuming, to their associates, all such as value christian blood, no more than that of sheep and goats, delighting their eyes with the devastation of countries and cities, even as if they beheld comedies.'

Wise people do frequently look back upon things passed; and, by comparing those with the present transactions, they from thence form unto themselves documents and rules whereby to regulate their deportment. If our enemies, the Hollanders, had, amongst the difficulties through which they have waded, called to mind the meanness of their own condition when they sought refuge here, and when Queen Elisabeth supported them; the vicinity, strength, and generosity of the English nation, the candor and sincerity which hath been constantly expressed unto them by the royal ancestors of his majesty, whilst they favoured these infamous Netherlanders. Had they considered the vicissitudes of fortune, how great and unexpected they are; the dangers of growing too puissant, though the foundation of grandeur be not laid in the wronging and depressing of others; that it is requisite for them who advance themselves by fraudulent means, and the injuries of others, to retain some firm allies, and by the repute of their sincerity, to some, efface the ignominy, and allay the odium which their perfidiousness to others would create them. Had they assumed such thoughts as these, they had never contracted so universal an enmity as they are now in danger to sink under. Their condition is altogether like that of the earl of St. Paul, who having inriched and advantaged himself, by a constant practice of treachery to the kings of England and France, and the Duke of Burgundy, none of them being safe from his machinations, nor being able to rely upon any promises of his, how solemn and sacred soever, they altogether resolved to establish the common tranquillity, by the ruin of that perfidious man. And when the city of Venice had by several artifices aggrandised herself, and incroached upon the dominions of sundry princes, the emperor, French king, pope, and others, did all join against that republick (for their so many practices in raising and fomenting of divisions and wars of Italy, breaking of former, and entering into new leagues, as advantage, not right, did excite them) and deprived the Venetians of all they held in the Terra firma. It is in vain for the Considerer to justify the present war unto his countrymen, by urging necessity and innocent defence of themselves. How specious soever those pleas are, they avail not in this case, because they, by the manifold in

juries and contumelies done to the king of England, have provoked him to attack them, and created to themselves this necessity of warring; nor is their defence innocent, because it includes a defence of the most barbarous criminals, against all laws, divine and human. And, certainly, if ever any war was justified by the laws of nature and nations; if self-preservation, the protection of injured subjects, vindication of rights, revenge of great injuries and indig nities, be just motives to commence a quarrel (as each one of them is) never was any prince more wronged than his majesty is, when the glory of his present actings is extenuated or soiled by any charge of injustice; nor do I find amongst his associates any such as value christian blood, no more than that of sheep and goats; but I find he hath, for enemies, those that so exquisitely tormented, and so barbarously put to death the English at Amboyna, and, by a thousand actions no less cruel, have testified their little regard to christian blood.

The Considerer, that he might evince the equity of their cause, pretends to deduce its original: The sum of his prolix discourse is this: That,

The king of France urging his pretensions on a considerable part of the Spanish Netherlands, in right of his queen to whom they were devolved: The United Netherlands, moved by a peace-loving inclination, and apprehension of a terrible neighbour, did endea vour to extinguish the fury of that war, whose flames, they feared, would not only consume the adjacent countries, but also scorch the more remote places. And, to that end, they associated counsels with the kings of England and Sweden, and jointly concluded a triple alliance betwixt themselves, by which they have mutually obliged each other to promote the peace betwixt France and Spain, on the terms and proffers of the alternative, and, by the same peace, to secure the quiet and tranquillity of Christendom: Promising each to other, for further confirmation of the said triple league, That betwixt them always should be, and continue a sincere unity, and serious correspondeuce from their hearts; and, in good faith, to advance each other's profits, utility, and dignity; and whatsoever should oppose itself thereunto with their best endeavours to remove. And if at any time it should happen, that this their amicable intention should meet with a wrong interpretation, and, by chance, an untimely revenge of war by any of the said parties, or any others on their behalf, should be offered to any of them confederated, that in such case they should faithfully assist one another.'

This is the substance of the triple alliance: After which, he adds, That

The king, the king of England, is sensible in his own conscience (though with words he dissembles, and disowns the knowledge thereof) that, by reason of the triple alliance, the Dutch are

• The depositions of their cruelties against his majesty's subjects in the East-Indies, Guiney, and other places, are to be seen in the register's office of ne high court of admiralty, kept at Doctor's Commons.

menaced with a war from France, and that, whatsoever the most christian king pretends, this is the true reason of his designs, and which he hath plainly discovered in all courts, and is no more than he threatened them with at first, in case they ratified the triple league. And, therefore, by virtue of this triple league, the king of England owes the Dutch an unconfined aid; as also limited succours of forty ships of war, six thousand foot, and four-hundred horse, by virtue of the defensive articles concluded in 1668. To which his majesty is obliged, if their High and Mighties be attacked by any prince, or state, on what pretext socver. The king of England being under these obligations, and being extimulated by ambition, avarice, and an insatiable thirst after blood, determined to take the opportunity of this juncture (wherein the most potent king of France did threaten the Dutch with a terrible war) to pursue his unchristian designs, and to disengage himself the better from all obligations of aid to the Dutch, doth of himself previously begin a war, and, with a specious declaration, palliates and dissem bles his foul and malicious designs.'

This is the intire substance of what the Considerer tediously doth insist upon, and is the sole foundation whereupon he proceeds to justify the Dutch, and with all possible aggravations of language bespatters the king of England, as if no chronicles ever produced such a precedent of violated faith, as his majesty doth now give an example of. I do confess, that nothing ought to be more sacred, than the word and faith of princes: That war is the last of reme dies whereunto they ought to have recourse, and which ought not to be commenced, but upon just, honourable, and necessary grounds: I do acknowledge the tenor of the triple league, and the defensive alliance. But I do avow that his majesty is no way concerned in the violation of them; nor is the allegation of them pertinent to the present quarrel: And of all the futile pretexts, which I have read of in history, this is the worst whereon the Dutch do bottom themselves. The triple league doth no way interest his majesty in their defence; for it doth not appear that the most christian king doth invade them for entering into it: There is no authentick declaration or testimony, that this is the motive which prevails with him to undertake this enterprise: The secrets of his mind are known only to himself, and to, the searcher of all hearts: It is not for men to proceed upon conjectures and surmi ses (which oftentimes prove vain and false) as if they were certain truths; nor can any prince be obliged indeterminately (and such is the present unreasonable plea of these Hollanders) where the condition of the aid to be given is particularly specified, viz. If it should happen that this their amicable intention should meet with a wrong interpretation, and by chance, an untimely revenge of war by any of the said parties, or any others on their behalf, should be offered to any of them confederated, that in such case they should faithfully assist one another. Can there be any thing more clear, than that the aid to be given is suspended upon this one circumstance, that the triple alliance should fall under a wrong interpre

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tation, and that thereupon the party demanding the aid should be attacked by a revengeful war? How doth it appear that the entering into the triple alliance is misinterpreted, since it doth not appear that his christian majesty did ever debate it, much less declare himself therein? How doth it appear, that he plainly discovered this sentiment by his ministers in all courts, since it doth not appear that he gave them private or publick instructions to say so? Must a prince answer for every expression, or every particular action of his ambassador? Can there be no other cause but this found out, Why the king of France should attack the Dutch? Cannot we imagine, that the French retain a secret and inveterate desire of revenge, for the notorious perfidy of the States-general, when they concluded a peace with Spain, without mentioning the crown of France, or having any regard to the French interest? Or, is it not possible for the christian king to make war upon them without a cause? Or merely for enlargement of empire? Or for other concealed reasons, or unknown indignities? What pregnant proof, or legal presumptions, do the Dutch alledge then, that This is the cause of the present war? And with what impudence do they upbraid our king, as if the thing were so, and he knew it in his conscience to be so, when, as the Considerer himself, in the conclusion of this treatise, says, It is not so? viz. I shall hint at nothing else in the king of France's declaration,. but that it appears visible therein, that the war of that high renowned king proceeds from nothing else but a formed design to enlarge the limits of his territories, as far as his ambition is extended; yet that we hope that God Almighty shall, by the same hand by which he hath hitherto preserved us, confound the designs of the king.—I doubt not, but hereby it is manifest, that his majesty is no way concerned by the triple league to assist the United Netherlands in this juncture: And even so the Swedes, by their indifference, shew how much they approve of the judgment of his majesty: And no man can say otherwise, but such as either regard not what they speak, or else take the freedom to surmise, and aver, whatsoever is for their interest.

I come now to the defensive alliance, whereby his majesty, A. D. 1668, did oblige himself unto that state, to give them an assistance (if attacked by any prince or state on what pretence soever) of forty ships of war, six thousand foot, and four-hundred horse, upon promise, three years after the expiration of the war, to be re-imbursed of the charges of the said succour. But neither is this alliance of any more validity, at present, than the other. It is the common opinion of the civil lawyers, and reason itself dictates it, that, in all articles and treaties for peace, there is this exception to be supposed in the contractors, unless some new cause intervene; unless it be by the default of him with whom the league and compact is made; or, affairs continuing in the same posture and state, in which they were at the time of the contract. And that saying of Ulpianus and Pomponius concerning private compacts, viz. That an agreement is not violated, from which a man recedes

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