AN ANALYSIS OF THE 18TH NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S.A. (By John Edgar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department of Justice) 'Resurgent CP Convention Looks to Future" proclaimed the Communist east coast paper, the Worker. "CP 'Go-Ahead' Parley" read another headline while a Worker feature writer opened her story, "The eyes of the world were on the 18th Convention of the Communist Party ***" These enthusiastic reactions marked the holding of the party's 18th national convention at Webster Hall, 119 East 11th Street, New York City, from June 22 to 26, 1966. The first national convention since 1959, it marks a significant landmark in the assault of the international Communist conspiracy against the free institutions of this country. This convention reflected the optimism of a resurgent Communist Party, completely loyal to the Soviet Union, buoyed by the feeling that it has broken out of its political isolation and now is ready for an increasingly active, concentrated program of mass agitation in American society. As Gus Hall, the general secretary of the party, told the convention in his keynote address (36,000 words and 3 hours in length): The party has fought its way out of political isolation. The party has started to grow both in membership and influence. We are a factor in the left stream of each of the mass currents in the country. The overall policies and tactical line projected by the party have been sound. A convention with a youth accent The 18th national convention climaxed over 6 months of intensive party planning. It represented the largest assemblage of Communists in this country since the previous convention. From 7:30 p.m., Wednesday, June 22, when the convention was called to order, to 6:30 p.m., Sunday, June 26, when the final gavel fell, 213 delegates, 42 alternate delegates, and 422 "observers" (most of whom were party members or close sympathizers especially invited by the party) kept up a constant harangue and criticism of the United States. The delegates represented every party district in the country. In addition, 14 fraternal delegates, representing Communist Parties in Canada, Puerto Rico, Mexico, India, and Chile, were present. In fact, one evening session (June 25) was devoted to "international solidarity and culture," in which these foreign delegates praised communism and denounced our Government. (The Communist Party of the Soviet Union announced that it was sending a delegation headed by Mikhail Zimyanin, editor in chief of Pravda. The State Department, however, acting under the provisions of the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1952, which bars aliens who plan to participate in activities of a subversive organization, denied visas to the Russians and a number of other invited foreign Communists.) Hailed as an "open" convention, the proceedings were constantly under strict party security regulations. Only the opening session, addressed by Hall, was open to representatives of the mass media. The press was told to photograph only individuals on the platform. Comrades were admonished not to speak to the press or television representatives without first clearing with the party's press and public relations committee. Periodic "briefings," however, were given to the mass media on convention happenings. The party wanted publicity-but only its version. Amid the outward spontaneity, the convention was adroitly and effectively manipulated and controlled by the party's controlling clique-centering in Gus Hall, the ex-criminal, Moscow-trained functionary, who since 1957 has ruled the Communist Party, U.S.A. As far back as 1934, Hall, as a member of the Young Communist League, was convicted in Minneapolis, Minn., in connection with a riot there. At that time he testified: Q. But you would prefer the Russian-you would prefer to be in Russia? Q. And you are willing to fight and overthrow this Government? A. Absolutely. Q. And you are willing to take up arms and overthrow the constituted authorities? A. When the time comes, "Yes." Hall joined the party in the 1920's, attended the Lenin School in the Soviet Union, where he learned, among other things, revolutionary tactics and guerrilla warfare. His rise in the Communist Party, U.S.A., was rapid. His blunt determination, ruthlessness against associates, and capacity to interpret and carry out instructions from the Soviet Union, brought him leadership of the Ohio State Communist Party and then national office. Convicted under the Smith Act, Hall jumped bond to avoid confinement and became a criminal fugitive. He entered the party underground, changed his physical appearance to avoid detection (as dyeing his hair, shaving off his mustache, and losing weight) and attempted to escape to Mexico. Apprehended by the FBI in 1951, Hall was sentenced to a term of 8 years. After his release from prison, he resumed his party activity, and at the 17th national convention in 1959 was elected to the No. 1 power position in the party-general secretary. He was reelected, as expected, by the 18th convention. Many of the oldtime party members were present at the convention such as Henry Winston (elected as national chairman), Gil Green, James Jackson, Claude Lightfoot, Hyman Lumer, and Carl Winter. At the rear of the auditorium hung the photographs of 14 party leaders who had died since the last convention-indicating that time had taken its toll of the party and that large gaps in national leadership existed and had to be filled. Among the deceased leaders were such names as William Z. Foster, Eugene Dennis, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Benjamin J. Davis, Jack Stachel, Robert Thompson, and Pettis Perry. The convention proceedings also reflected new faces and voices, showing that the party was experiencing a "youth accent," that younger members were gaining influence and leadership. Prominent among the youthful faces were Bettina Aptheker, probably the most notorious young Communist in the United States, and Tim Wheeler, youth editor of the Worker. The daughter of party theoretician, Herbert Aptheker, Bettina Aptheker gained national attention by participating in the "free speech" riots at the University of California at Berkeley. She later publicly identified herself as a Communist. Bettina Aptheker played an active role at the convention, especially in its youth panel. The Worker triumphantly commented that "youth participation stole the show. There were 91 delegates under 35 years of age. Fifty-seven delegates have been in the party under 5 years. Of those, 11 have been in less than a year." Hall told the press that the new 80-member national committee was 30-35 percent youth. The increasing number of young people in the party is a decided asset, but it is posing severe problems also. The 18th convention, unlike the 1957 and 1959 conventions (when Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin was a key issue along with Soviet anti-Semitism and the Russian suppression of the Hungarian revolution), was not publicly bothered by factionalism. In the 1957 convention a revisionist minority led by John Gates (former editor of the Daily Worker who later broke with the party), seeking a less centralized and monolithic party, had advocated changing the party new name) into a loosely organized political association. This proposal, of course, was bitterly fought and defeated by the pro-Moscow leadership. The Gates revisionist factionalism has not been eliminated as well as a later dissident minority which was to espouse the pro-Red Chinese position in the Moscow-Peking ideological dispute. (This dissident minority was expelled and later formed the pro-Peking Progressive Labor Party.) The 18th national convention revealed the party as a unified, hard-hitting, well-organized conspiracy, completely loyal to Moscow, committed to the overthrow of our democratic institutions. Hall in his keynote address, for example, bitterly denounced American participation in the Vietnam war. He compared U.S. actions in Vietnam to the savagery of Hitler's Germany. On the other hand, he praised the Soviet Union lavishly: In less than 50 years, as a result of this transition, the Soviet Union has changed from an economically backward, semiliterate country into a leading world industrial power, into a country of advanced culture. In the field of science and technology it is fast taking first place. It is a country already on the road to communism. And as the United States is the center of world imperialism and reaction, the Soviet Union is the major bulwark of the forces of national liberation and peace. With pride, the convention accepted greetings from the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union and North Vietnam. It returned the North Vietnam greeting, saying that a prime aim of the party in this country was the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam. As in all previous conventions, the 18th convention showed utter disdain for American traditions, speaking the language of hypocrisy and deceit, and serving as the party always has since its founding in 1919-as the arm of the Soviet Union inside our Nation. Major convention themes What specifically occurred at the convention which is of concern to patriotic Americans seeking to protect our liberties? Why does the 18th national convention represent, in the words of one delegate, an "upturn" convention signifying new approaches and tactics in its strategy of betrayal and subversion? A number of basic points should be highlighted: (1) THE CONVENTION REPRESENTS A "THRUST FOR LEGALITY" BY THE PARTY-A DETERMINED, PURPOSIVE EFFORT TO BE ACCEPTED BY THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AS A LEGITIMATE ELEMENT OF OUR SOCIETY, TO FALSELY REPRESENT ITSELF AS A POLITICAL PARTY LOYAL TO OUR DEMOCRATIC TRADITIONS The very fact that the convention was held gives an indication of the party's purpose. Although the party's constitution calls for a national convention to be held every 2 years, the party in 1961 (when the 18th convention should have been held) was faced with prosecutive action under the provisions of the Internal Security Act of 1950. The party leadership decided to postpone the convention indefinitely. Why was the convention held now-in 1966? Hall gives the answer himself. In a public statement in December 1965, he boasted that the scheduling of the 1966 national convention had been made possible by a recent Supreme Court ruling which had overthrown the provisions of a "Federal law" which, in effect, had kept the party underground. (Hall undoubtedly was referring to the Supreme Court decision of Nov. 15, 1965, which stated that Communist Party members may invoke their constitutional privilege against self-incrimination and refuse to register with the Government as is required by the Internal Security Act of 1950.) In other words, in Communist eyes, recent Supreme Court decisions invalidating portions of the Internal Security Act of 1950 have given the party the green light to become more active in mass agitation. The possibility of legal penalties against Communists now seems less likely (though the party on November 19, 1965, was convicted for a second time in the U.S. District Court, Washington, D.C., for failure to register with the Attorney General under provisions of the Internal Security Act of 1950 and fined $230,000. This decision is now on appeal). The party, moreover, senses a new mood of radicalism in America, especially stemming from the so-called "new left." In fact, the theme of Hall's keynote address was that the time was ripe for radicalism. More and more Americans, the Communists believe, have dropped their opposition to the party and are now interested in Marxist thought, feeling that Marxism has something relevant to say to the Nation today. Hence, speaker after speaker emphasized that the party must stride boldly into the area of political action, run candidates for public office, participate in community decisions, meet and influence nonCommunists. The party's defensive posture of 1957-65, its hesitancy and its fear of prosecution must be discarded. Perhaps the best demonstration of this new mood of party optimism was the election of Henry Winston as national chairman and Hall as general secretary, with public identification by party title. Fearing prosecution under the Internal Security Act of 1950, party officials have refused to identify themselves by title, merely saying they were "party spokesmen." This restraint is now gone in the party's new mood of optimism and thrust for legality. (2) THE CONVENTION LAID THE FOUNDATIONS FOR AN AGGRESSIVE, EXTENSIVE, AND MASSIVE PARTY CAMPAIGN TO INFILTRATE AMERICAN LIFE IN MANY FIELDS (a) Labor unions The party plans an intensive program to increase its influence in the labor field. George Meyers, Baltimore party leader, speaking for the trade union panel, admitted to the convention that weaknesses exist in this area. He added that these were being corrected. He proposed the following recommendations which the convention approved: (1) that a pamphlet be prepared on Afro-American alliance in labor organizations; (2) that a trade union resolution be prepared within 2 months; and (3) that a new party trade union commission be formed with an active party trade union secretary in charge. We can anticipate that the party, using the slogan "labor is a key force," will make every effort to increase its recruitment of industrial workers. This objective was brought out during the trade union report which placed emphasis on the need for industrial concentration in the Midwestern areas. Specifically mentioned were such cities as Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, St. Louis, and Pittsburgh. This helps to explain why 18 members of the party's new 80-member national committee were elected though relatively unknown except that they were labor unionists. (b) Negro struggle and civil rights The resolution on the Negro question was presented to the convention by Claude Lightfoot, Chicago party leader. He suggested that the party must elevate its role as the initiator of civil rights struggles and come forward in its own name as "the best fighter" for Negro rights in this country. Following Lightfoot's report, which was adopted, other speakers commented on the need for training Negro women for leadership in the Communist Party and the necessity for the party to take more direct action in the Negro struggle and to devote more attention to "police brutality" in Negro communities. The Communist Party is acutely embarrassed by its failure to adequately recruit among Negroes. To their everlasting credit, the vast majority of Negroes have recognized the falsity of communism and turned it down. They know that communism does not mean a better life for them, economically, politically, or socially. Nevertheless, the party has long been attempting to exploit the civil rights movement. The 18th national convention signifies that the party will step forward even more boldly, hoping to infiltrate and influence civil rights organizations. The party wants to link work among Negroes more directly with the class struggle-to turn the civil rights area into a hatchery for communism. Part of the convention's appeal to the Negro can be seen in the party's selection of oldtime party leader, Henry Winston, a Negro, as national chairman. The Worker quoted Winston as noting the significant precedent of electing a Negro national chairman of a party "that is becoming a major political force in this country." (c) Peace In this resolution, delivered by James West from Illinois, we vividly see the Machiavellian hand of communism. The Communists are |