menced-Mr. Adams seized a musket, gave the enemy a well-directed shot but was immediately deprived of this recreation by Capt. Tucker, who led him out of danger, pleasantly remarking-" I am commanded by the Continental Congress to carry you in safety to Europe and I will do it."

Before his arrival, Dr. Franklin and his colleague had succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with the French nation. After an absence of a little more than a year he returned and was elected to a convention of his native state, convened for the purpose of perfecting a constitution and the full organization of government. The original draft of the constitution of Massachusetts is from his pen. Before his term closed in this convention he was appointed by Congress-" A minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain." In Oct. 1779, he embarked from Boston. The passage was boisterous, it being February before he arrived at Paris. Chagrin and pride prevented the British ministry from at once placing themselves on an equality with our own. The negotiation, on their part, commenced with equivocations. Mr. Adams could not be ensnared and was determined to submit to nothing wrong and left them to farther reflection.

On learning that Mr. Laurens, American commissioner to Holland, had been captured, Mr. Adams repaired to that kingdom. In August he received a commission from Congress to negotiate a loan-to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce and to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that might arise from regulations to be made by a congress of the European states then in contemplation. In a few months he was overwhelmed with important duties. Minister to Great Britainto the States General of Holland-to all the European states for pledging the United States to the armed neutrality-with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in Holland and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten millions of dollars for the support of the Home department and foreign embassies. All these duties he discharged with skill and approbation, a lasting monument of the gigantic powers of his mind. At every point he encountered intrigue which he uniformly discovered and crushed in embryo.

In July, 1781, he was directed to repair to Versailles to make a further attempt at negotiation with England. The terms offered did not fully recognize the rights of the United States as an independent nation. Peace was desirable and ardently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who was the head and front of the French cabinet. Mr. Adams was anxious for peace-but only on just, dignified and honorable

terms. The Duke, who had uniformly manifested a disposition to make the United States feel a dependence on France, dictated to Mr. Adams, placing him in the position of a subordinate agent. This was a French bull. Mr. Adams recognized no dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen perception and penetrating judgment. This independence of the American minister enraged the Duke. He wrote to the minister of France in the United States to lay a formal complaint before Congress against the recusant for insubordination. This the minister did ingeniously but not successfully. As a matter of respect for their new and important ally, Congress partially modified the instructions of Mr. Adams but did not place him under the dictation of the Duke as requested. They knew the granite man too well to suppose he would ever compromise the dignity of his country. They had full confidence in his capacity to perceive right-in his moral courage to enforce it.

From all the evidence in the premises I am fully convinced that the motives of the French Court in aiding our country during the revolutionary struggle, were not based on patriotism but had ulterior objects in view. Not so with the noble La Fayette and others who came to the rescue.

Again Mr. Adams left ministers to arrive at a second sober thought and learn their true position. He then returned to Amsterdam.

Owing to sad reverses in the cause of freedom the French minister made such an impression in favour of the position of the French cabinet as an umpire between England and the United States, that congress added to the commission of Mr. Adams-Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, and Laurens-with the humiliating directions, "That they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the King of France." The Duke de Vergennes was elated with triumph. He was virtually made sovereign minister of the United States. This act is the darkest spot upon the proud escutcheon of the Continental Congress-an act that I would gladly "expunge from the record." No full apology can be found. The tremendous revolutionary tornado that was then sweeping over our country, charged with the dismaying materials of terror, is a partial one and the true cause of this quailing error.

The exultation of the Duke was transient. Adams and Franklin were there, masters of ceremony. They dared to disobey instructions believing they had been improperly extorted by an intriguing and designing court. They at once took a bold stand and were promptly sustained by their colleagues and ultimately by congress, to which

Adams communicated the chicanery of the Duke and the duplicity, or rather the toolicity of the French minister in the United States. The result was glorious. An honourable peace was obtained-the dignity of our nation preserved. A provincial treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782 and a definitive treaty on the 3d day of September, 1783 and all without the advice or consent of the Duke de Vergennes, whose golden schemes of finesse proved abortive. He addressed a bitter letter of reproach to the American commissioners, expressing great astonishment at their presumption in daring to act independent of him, which was not answered.

Among the golden schemes of the court of France, two are worthy of particular note. 1. To secure to France and Spain the fisheries of the United States. 2. To secure the perpetual and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi. Very modest. Other propositions were made, equally absurd, all of which form an unanswerable excuse for our commissioners in disobeying instructions.

After the important commission of concluding peace with England was completed, Mr. Adams returned to Holland where he had negotiated a loan of eight millions of guilders in September, 1782, which was one of the means of terminating the war by enabling the United States to prosecute it with more vigor. It had a direct influence on England, inducing Lord Shelburne to make proposals of peace soon after this was known.

During the same year he was placed at the head of a commission empowered to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign nations. He returned to Paris where he met Franklin and Jefferson who were associated with him-forming a trio of combined, versatile and exalted talent-never surpassed if ever equalled.

In 1785 Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Britain after the acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States. He was received with marked attention and courtesy so far as courtly etiquette was concerned but found the ministry morose and bitter towards the new Republic. They seemed disposed to treat the peace as a mere truce between the two nations. Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties of his station with great sagacity and wisdom-patiently removing subsisting difficulties. Nor did he forget the internal interests of his country at home. To win independence was one thing-to preserve it another and more important matter. The theories of a Republican form of government by Thurgot and others, had been freely circulated in the United States. These he deemed wild and visionary. This was proved by the transient existence of

the first French Republic and has been more fully demonstrated recently in Europe and South America. More success might attend these experiments, even with imperfect skeletons of a free government were the people as well prepared to receive it as were the colonists at the time of the American Revolution. Intelligence and primitive Christianity must pervade the mass. The European pioneers came to this country with the bible in their hands and based our government upon its eternal principles, where it will securely rest until ignorance darkens intellect and the bible is banished. Let all read its plain truths, teaching, as they do, freedom in religion, freedom of consciencepointing us to our high origin and final destiny-then our Republic cannot be destroyed by kingly influence, aristocratic corruption, ultra fanaticism, reckless demagogues, or heartless politicians. Troubles have arisen, now exist, may continue to occasionally break out-but they ever have been and I trust ever will be confined to a small portion of the great and accumulating mass-the bone and sinew of our beloved country.

To strip from these delusive theories of a free government their sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able disquisition on Republican constitutions which became a polar star to his own country and operated powerfully in correcting error and allaying prejudices in England adverse to the United States. His "DEFENCE OF THE CONSTITUTION" placed him on a lofty literary eminence in view of the literati of Europe.

In 1788 he obtained permission to return home and in the autumn of that year was elected the first Vice President of the United States. He became the confidential counsellor of Washington on all important questions. He was re-elected in 1792 and in 1796 was elected President of that Republic for which he had freely periled life, fortune and honor.

At that time party spirit had commenced its reckless career which afforded an example set by Adams and Jefferson worthy of all praise and imitation. No bitterness of party spirit, no abuses from their partisans and party press, could sever the patriotic and moral ties of friendship that bound them together up to the time death removed them from the theatre of life. So high did party spirit rage that Mr. Jefferson thus rebuked a clique of politicians who were hurling slanders against Mr. Adams.

"Gentlemen, you do not know that man. There is not upon earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. Of that he is utterly incapable. It is not in his

nature to meditate anything he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general government are a fair subject for difference of opinion-but do not found your opinions on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral or political, in the character of John Adams for I know him well and I repeat-that a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of the Creator." Demagogues-read the above just encomium upon his opponent by a candidate for an office-then search for a parallel case of magnanimity among modern politicians-if you find one, proclaim it to the people of our vast country that they may be convinced a true patriot is in our midst-a lump of genuine salt in the body politic.

Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent discharge of his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the good and glory of the infant Republic. He was an open, frank oldschool federalist. During his administration the ranks of the democratic party increased rapidly, which defeated his re-election. Much has been written and more said relative to the causes that produced his political overthrow. To my mind the solution is plain and brief. His cabinet was not of his own choice-he was too independent to bend to party intrigue-he opposed the humiliating demands of the then selfstyled democratic France-he advocated the augmentation of the navy of the United States and recommended the law for the suppression of the venality of the press. In the two first points he was impolitic as the head of a party-in the two next he did what all now acknowledge to be right in principle. On the last, he took the wrong method to correct an evil that has caused unceasing trouble from that time to the present-an evil that will ever exist in a government like ours, because, in annihilating this, we should destroy an essential part of our political machinery-A FREE PRESS. The three last were the strong points seized upon by his opponents, which enabled them to achieve an easy victory. He retired with a good grace on the best of terms with his successful opponent and his own conscience. He supported the policy of Mr. Jefferson towards England and approved of the declaration of war in June 1812. He attributed the opposition of the eastern states to the impolicy of our government in neglecting the navy. He compared them to Achilles, who, in consequence of his being deprived of Briseis, withdrew from the Grecian confederacy. The increase of the navy was a long-nursed theory of his national policy. Had his views been carried out by our country, our nation would now have been mistress of the seas. As it is, we have scarcely armed vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of our enterprising merchants-a fact that