locked against him-patriotic resolutions were passed and five delegates appointed to meet a national convention, one of whom was John Adams.

At the appointed time he repaired to Philadelphia-took his seat in that assemblage of sages, whose wisdom has been sung by the most brilliant poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators-admired by the most sagacious statesmen of the civilized world. On reading the proceedings of the first congress in 1774, Chatham remarked, "I have studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the world-but, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men can stand above this congress."

Some supposed the ardent zeal of Mr. Adams might induce rashness. Not so he was calm as a summer morning but firm as the granite shores of his birth-place. He was discreet, prudent-the last man to violate or submit to the violation of constitutional law. He kept his helm hard-up-knew when to luff-when to take the larboard tack-when to spread and when to take in sail. He was one of the few who believed the mother country would remain incorrigible-that petitions would be vain-addresses futile-remonstrances unavailing.

At the close of that congress Mr. Adams had a close conversation with Patrick Henry in which he expressed a full conviction, that resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, addresses, associations and non-importation agreements-however they might be accepted in America and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be waste water in England. Mr. Henry believed they might make an impression among the people of England, but that they would be lost upon the government. Mr. Adams had just received a hasty letter from Major Hawley of Northampton, which concluded with these prophetic words," after all we must fight." Mr. Henry raised his hands. and vehemently exclaimed, "I am of that man's mind." Richard Henry Lee held a contrary opinion-Washington was in doubt. The two former based their conclusions on the past and present from which they drew deductions for the future. They penetrated the arcanum of human nature, passed in review the multiform circumstances that were impelling the two nations to action-understood well that inflated power-backed by superior physical force-deluded by obstinacy and avarice, is callous to the refined feelings of humanitydeaf to wisdom-blind to justice. Lee, equally determined to vindicate

right and oppose wrong, could not believe the ministry would dethrone reason and court ruin.

Washington, deep in reflection, an impartial and strong investigatorhis soul overflowing with the milk of human kindness, did not arrive rapidly at conclusions on so momentous a subject. In weighing the causes of difference between the two countries-reason, justice and hope, on the one side-power, corruption and avarice on the other-at that time held his mind in equilibrio. He clearly perceived the right and fondly but faintly hoped England would see it too and govern herself accordingly. He was as prompt to act as the others when action became necessary.

Mr. Adams returned among his friends and stood approved by his constituents and his country. His pen was again brought into service, in answering a series of ingenious essays written by Mr. Sewell in favor of the supremacy of Parliament. Over the name of "Nonvanglus," Mr. Adams stripped the gay ornaments and gaudy apparel from the brazen image Mr. Sewell had presented to the public gaze. A meagre skeleton of visible deformity was all that remained. Attorney General Sewell trembled as he received the deep cuts from the falchion quill of this devoted patriot. So profound was his reasoning-so learned were his expositions-so clear and conclusive were his demonstrationsthat his antagonist exclaimed, as he retired in a rage from the conflict, "He strives to hide his inconsistencies under a huge pile of learning.' The pile proved too "huge" for royal power and supplied the people with an abundance of light.

The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. It placed the patriots in a position to hurl their darts at them without refusing allegiance to the king. The British cabinet worked out its own destruction with regard to the American colonies-if not with fear and trembling it was with blindness and disgrace-impolicy and injustice-obstinacy and infatuation.

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress with renewed responsibilities resting upon him. Revolution was rolling fearfully upon his bleeding country-hope of redress was expiring like the last flickerings of a taper-dark and portentous clouds were concentrating-the ministerial ermine was steeped in blood-the dying groans of his fellow-citizens and the lamentations of widows and orphans had fallen upon his ears and the prophetic conclusion arrived at by him and Henry but a few months previous, was forced upon the mind of every patriot, " after all we must fight."

As a preliminary measure it was necessary to appoint a leader of the military forces to be raised. To fix upon the best man was of vital importance. Some thought the measure premature. Not so with the sons of New England. When the blood of their friends was wantonly shed upon the heights of Lexington they hung their siren harps upon the weeping willows that stood mournfully over the graves of their murdered brethren. In their view, war was inevitable. A commander-in-chief must be appointed. Several prominent persons were named in private conversations. John Adams, alone, had fixed his mind upon George Washington, in whom he saw the commingled qualities of philanthropist, philosopher, statesman, hero and Christian. All opposed his appointment at first but gradually yielded to the reasons urged by John Adams. Satisfied that the measure would be approved by a majority, he rose in Congress and proposed that a commander of the American armies should be appointed. When his resolution passed, he described the requisite qualities of the man to fill this important station and remarked with great emphasis-" such a man is within these walls." But few knew to whom he referred, no one believing himself duly and truly prepared or properly vouched for as a military man. A pause-a painful suspense-then the name of Col. GEORGE WASHINGTON of Virginia was announced by Mr. Adams. No one could be more surprised than the nominee. No intimation of the intended honor had been made to him. The vote was taken the day following and was unanimous in his favor. So judicious was this selection that La Fayette remarked-" It was the consequence of Providential inspiration." Be it so-John Adams was the patriot who nominated him-thus placing at the head of the American armies just such a man as the crisis required-prudent, dignified, bold, sagacious, patient, persevering-universally esteemed by the friends of FREEDOM-admired by the most fervent friends of the crown.

In 1776 Mr. Adams again took his seat in the National Assembly. The period had arrived for decisive measures. Massachusetts had been disfranchised by Parliament. England had hired legions of soldiers from German princes to subdue rebels in America. The last note of peace had been sung by echo-every patriot became convinced that resistance or slavery were the two horns of the dilemma presented. INDEPENDENCE had been conceived but by a few. It was a startling proposition. At this juncture Mr. Adams marked out a bold course and had the moral courage to pursue it. On the 6th of May he offered a resolution, proposing that the colonies should organize a government

independent of England. On the 10th of the same month it was modified and adopted, recommending such government by the colonies "as might be conducive to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular and America in general." All admitted the justice of this measure but some opposed it on the ground of the physical imbecility of the colonies-already crowded with a hireling army and their shores lined with a powerful navy. Mr. Adams knew no middle course. He had succeeded in obtaining the adoption of the preface to his broad folio of an independent compact-he then proceeded to prepare the text. He had commenced the work of political regeneration. Each day new and genuine converts were made. The legislature of his own state encouraged him to strike for independence. North Carolina had openly started the ball-Virginia gave it a new impetus and on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee became the organ to present the proposition to Congress. A most animated discussion ensued. Then the powers of Mr. Adams were more fully developed. Mr. Jefferson said of him, in alluding to his debates on the Declaration of Independence"John Adams was the pillar of its support on the floor of Congress-its ablest advocate and defender against the multifarious assaults it encountered. He was our Colossus on the floor-not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses-yet he came out with a power, both of thought and expression, that moved us from our seats."

The noblest powers of his soul were raised to the zenith of their strength, determined to accomplish the mighty work he had commenced. Although one of the committee to prepare the instrument of eternal separation, he confided the labor to his colleagues-spending his whole force upon the opponents of the measure. Manfully did he contend-gloriously did he triumph. He bore down upon his adversaries like a mountain torrent-a rushing avalanche-hurling the arrows of conviction with such precision and effect that a majority soon became converted to the measure.

The day for decision arrived. The 4th of July, 1776, dawned auspiciously upon the patriots. At the appointed hour they assembled. The past, the present, the impenetrable future, big with coming eventsrushed upon their minds. Moments flew-the pulse quickened-the heart-throb increased-bosoms expanded-eyes brightened-patriotism rose in majesty sublime-the question was put-the Gordian knot was sundered-INDEPENDENCE was declared-the colonies were free-LIB

ERTY was proclaimed-a nation was redeemed-regenerated-disenthralled and born in a day.

Early in the winter of 1776 Mr. Adams wrote a form of government for the colonies which was substantially the same as the present constitutions of the states. It was first submitted to Richard Henry Lee in a letter with these remarks.

"A constitution founded on these principles introduces knowledge among the people and inspires them with a conscious dignity becoming freemen. A general emulation takes place which causes good humor, sociability, good manners and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity-a little pleasure but a great deal of business-some politeness but more civility. If you compare such a country with the regions of domination, whether monarchical or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium."

Here is inscribed upon the tablet of truth the blessings derived from a government like our own in its principles-faithfully adhered to by every true patriot but trampled under foot by the demagogues of the present day and the aristocracy of all time.

Among all the great men of our country, no one has exhibited a more clear and minute conception of human nature and human government, than John Adams. He traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian meanderings and deduced conclusions that seemed. the result of inspiration. Many of his predictions of the future bear the impress of prophecy and show how deeply he investigated-how clearly he perceived.

On his return from Congress, Mr. Adams was elected to the legislature of Massachusetts under the new constitution. He was also appointed Chief Justice which he declined.

In 1777 he resumed his seat in Congress and performed an amount of labor, which, if imposed upon any ten demagogue legislators of the present day might induce suicide. He was an active member of ninety committees-chairman of twenty-five-chairman of the board of war and appeals, discharged all his duties promptly and was uniformly in his seat when any important measure was under discussion.

In December, 1777, he was appointed a commissioner to France. In February following he embarked on board the frigate Boston. During the voyage a British armed ship hove in sight-an action com