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under the command of General Andrew Lewis, and the remainder, under the governor in person, was to proceed to some point on the Ohio, above the former, in order to fall upon the Indian towns between, while the warriors should be drawn off by the approach of Lewis in an opposite direction. He was then to proceed down the Ohio, and form a junction with General Lewis at Point Pleasant, from whence they were to march according to circumstances.

On the 11th of September, the forces under Gen. Lewis, amounting to eleven hundred men, commenced their march from Camp Union to Point Pleasant on the Great Kanhawa, distant one hundred and sixty miles. The country between was a trackless wilderness. The army was piloted by Captain Matthew Arbuckle, by the nearest practicable route. The baggage was all transported on pack-horses, and their march took up nineteen days.

Having arrived there upon the last day of the month, an encampment was commenced on the first of October. Here General Lewis waited with anxiety to get some tidings of Dunmore, for eight or nine days. At the end of this time, no prospect of a junction appearing, news was brought into camp on the morning of the 10th of October, by one of two persons who had escaped the rifles of a great body of Indians about two miles up the Ohio, that an attack would be immediately made. These two men were upon a deer hunt, and came upon the Indians without observing them, when one was shot down, and the other escaped to the camp with difficulty. He reported "that he had seen a body of the enemy, covering four acres of ground, as closely as they could stand by the side of each other."

Upon this intelligence, General Lewis, "after having deliberately lighted his pipe," gave orders to his brother, Colonel Charles Lewis, to march with his own regiment, and another under Colonel William Fleming, to reconnoitre the enemy, while he put the rest in a posture to support them. These marched without loss of time, and about four hundred yards from camp met the Indians intent upon the same object. Their meeting was somewhere between sun's rising and sun an hour high, and the fight in a moment began. The Virginians, like their opponents, covered themselves with trees or whatever else offered, but the latter were more than a match for them, and put them to flight with great slaughter. Colonel Lewis was in full uniform, and being, from the nature of his duties, exposed at every point, soon fell mortally wounded. There was no result for which the commander-inchief was not prepared; for at this critical moment he had ordered up Colonel Field with his regiment, which, coming with great resolution and firmness into action, saved the two retreating regiments, and effectually checked the impetuosity of the Indians, who, in their turn, were obliged to retreat behind a rough breastwork, which they had taken the precaution to construct from logs and brush for the

occasion.

The point of land on which the battle was fought was narrow, and the Indians' breastwork extended from river to river: their plan of attack was the best that could be conceived; for in the event of victory

on their part, not a Virginian could have escaped. They had stationed men on both sides of the river, to prevent any that might attempt flight by swimming from the apex of the triangle made by the confluence of the two rivers.

Never was ground maintained with more obstinacy: for it was slowly, and with no precipitancy, that the Indians retired to their breastwork. The division under Lewis was first broken, although that under Fleming was nearly at the same moment attacked. This heroic officer first received two balls through his left wrist, but continued to exercise his command with the greatest coolness and presence of mind. His voice was continually heard, “Don't lose an inch of ground. Advance, outflank the enemy, and get between them and the river." But his men were about to be outflanked by the body that had just defeated Lewis; meanwhile the arrival of Colonel Field turned the fortune of the day, but not without a severe loss; Colonel Fleming was again wounded, by a shot through the lungs ; yet he would not retire, and Colonel Field was killed as he was leading on his men.

The whole line of the breastwork now became as a blaze of fire, which lasted nearly till the close of the day. Here the Indians under Logan, Cornstock, Ellinipsico, Red-Eagle, and other mighty chiefs of the tribes of the Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes, Wyandots and Cayugas, amounting, as was supposed, to fifteen hundred warriors, fought, as men will ever do for their country's wrongs, with a bravery which could only be equalled. The voice of the mighty Cornstock was often heard during the day, above the din of strife, calling on his men in these words: "Be strong! Be strong!" And when, by the repeated charges of the whites, some of his warriors began to waver, he is said to have sunk his tomahawk into the head of one who was cowardly endeavoring to desert.

General Lewis, finding at length that every charge upon the lines of the Indians lessened the number of his forces to an alarming degree, and rightly judging that if the Indians were not routed before it was dark, a day of more doubt might follow, he resolved to throw a body, if possible, into their rear. As the good fortune of the Virginians turned, the bank of the river favored this project, and forthwith three companies were detached upon the enterprise, under the three captains, Isaac Shelby, (afterwards renowned in the revolution, and since in the war with Canada,) George Matthews, and John Stewart. These companies got unobserved to their place of destination upon Crooked Creek, which runs into the Kanhawa. From the high weeds upon the banks of this little stream, they rushed upon the backs of the Indians with such fury, as to drive them from their works with precipitation. The day was now decided. The Indians, thus beset from a quarter they did not expect, were ready to conclude that a reinforcement had arrived. It was about sunset when they fled across the Ohio, and immediately took up their march for the towns on the Scioto.

The chief of the men raised for this service were, as Burk expresses himself, "prime riflemen," and the "most expert woodsmen in Virginia." They were principally from the counties of Augusta, Botetourt, Bedford, and Fincastle, and from the enraged settlers who had fled from their frontier settlements to escape the vengeance of the injured Indians. For reasons which were not perfectly understood at that time, Lord Dunmore divided the army into two parts, as already stated. The part which Dunmore soon after took in the revolutionary events, discovered the real cause of his preposterous proceedings. His pretence of falling upon the backs of the Indians, and co-operating with General Lewis, was soon detected as such; for it is needed only to be known that he was moving no less than seventyfive miles from him, and that, therefore, no co-operation could be had. The imputation, however, of the historian Burk, "that the division under Lewis was devoted to destruction, for the purpose of breaking the spirits of the Virginians," to render his own influence and reputation brighter and more efficient, is unnatural, and without facts to warrant it. To our mind a worse policy to raise himself could not have been devised. There are two other far more reasonable conclusions which might have been offered:-The governor, seeing the justness of the Indians' cause, might have adopted the plan which was followed to bring them to a peace with the least possible destruction of them. This would have been the course of a humane philosophy; or he might have exercised his abilities to gain them to the British interest in case of a rupture between them and the colonies, which the heads of government must clearly have by this time foreseen would pretty soon follow. Another extraordinary manœuvre of Governor Dunmore betrayed either a great want of experience, generalship, or a far more reprehensible charge; for he had, before the battle of Point Pleasant, sent an express to Colonel Lewis, with orders that he should join him near the Shawanee towns with all possible despatch. These instructions were looked upon as singularly unaccountable, inasmuch as it was considered a thing almost impossible to be accomplished, had there been an enemy to fear; for the distance was near eighty miles, and the route was through a country extremely difficult to be traversed, and, to use the words of Mr. Burk, "swarming with Indians." The express did not arrive at Point Pleasant until the evening after the battle; but that it had been fought was unknown to the governor, and could in no wise excuse his sending such orders, although the power of the Indians was now broken.

The day after the battle, General Lewis caused his dead to be buried, and entrenchments to be thrown up about his camp for the protection of his sick and wounded; and the day following he took up his line of march in compliance with the orders of Governor Dunmore. This march was attended with great privations, and almost insurmountable difficulties. Meanwhile Governor Dunmore descended with his forces down the river from Fort Pitt to Wheeling, where he halted for a few days. He then proceeded down to the mouth of Hockhocking, thence over land to within eight miles of the Shawanee town,

Chilicothe, on the Scioto. Here he made preparations for treating with the Indians. Before reaching this place he had received several' messages from the Indians with offers of peace, and having now determined to comply, he sent an express to General Lewis with an order that he should immediately retreat. This was entirely disregarded by the general, and he continued his march until his lordship in person visited the general in his camp, and gave the order to the troops himself. Lewis's troops complied with great reluctance, for they had determined on a general destruction of the Indians.

A treaty was now commenced, and conducted on the part of the whites with great distrust, never admitting but a small number of Indians within their encampment at a time. The business was commenced by Cornstock in a speech of great length, in the course of which he did not fail to charge upon the whites the whole cause of the war, and mainly in consequence of the murder of Logan's family. A treaty, however, was the result of this conference; and this conference was the result of the far-famed speech of Logan, the Mingo chief, since known in every hemisphere. It was not delivered in the camp of Lord Dunmore, for, although desiring peace, Logan would not meet the whites in council, but remained in his cabin in sullen silence, until a messenger was sent to him to know whether he would accede to the proposals it contained. What the distance was from the treaty. ground to Logan's cabin we are not told; but of such importance was his name considered, that he was waited on by a messenger from Lord Dunmore, who requested his assent to the articles of the treaty. Logan had too much at heart the wrongs lately done him, to accede without giving the messenger to understand fully the grounds upon which he acceded; he therefore invited him into an adjacent wood, where they sat down together. Here he related the events of butchery which had deprived him of all his connections; and here he pronounced that memorable speech which follows:

"I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not.

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During the course of the last long bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, ‘Logan is the friend of white men.'

"I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man; Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan; not even sparing my women and children.

"There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan?—Not one!"

When Mr. Jefferson published his "Notes on Virginia," the facts therein stated, implicating Cresap as the murderer of Logan's family, were by Cresap's friends called in question, Mr. Jefferson at first merely stated the facts as preliminary to, and the cause of, the "Speech of Logan," which he considered as generally known in Virginia; but the acrimony discovered by his enemies in their endeavors to gainsay his statement, led to an investigation of the whole transaction, and a publication of the result was the immediate consequence, in a new edition of the "Notes on Virginia."

There are perhaps still some who doubt of the genuineness of Logan's speech, and indeed we must allow that there are some circumstances laid before us in Dr. Barton's Medical and Physical Journal for the year 1808, which look irreconcilable. Without impeaching in the slightest degree the character of Mr. Jefferson, such facts are there compared, and disagreements pointed out, as chanced to come in the way of the writer. It appears from the French traveller Robin, that, in the time of our revolution, a gentleman of Williamsburg gave him an Indian speech which bears great resemblance to the one said to be by Logan, but differing very essentially in date, and the person implicated in murdering the family of Logan. The work of Robin is entitled "New Travels in America." It is possible that some mistakes may have crept into it, or that Robin himself might have misunderstood the date, and even other parts of the affair; however, the probability is rather strong that either the speech of Logan had been perverted for the purpose of clearing Cresap's character of the foul blot which entirely covered it, by wilfully charging it upon another, or that some old speech of his upon another occasion had been remodelled to suit the purpose for which it was used. Upon these questions we must leave the reader to decide. Robin has the name of the chief Lonan. Some Frenchmen may write it thus, but I have before me those that do not, and more probably some English pronounced it so, and so Robin heard it. The way he introduces the speech, if the introduction be fact, forever destroys the genuineness of the speech of Logan of 1774. It is thus:

66

Speech of the savage Lonan, in a general assembly, as it was sent to the Governor of Virginia, anno 1754."

Now it is certain, if the speech which we will give below was delivered in the assembly of Virginia in the year 1754, it could not have been truly delivered, as we have given it, to Lord Dunmore in 1774. That the reader may judge for himself, that of 1754 follows:

"Lonan will no longer oppose making the proposed peace with the white men. You are sensible he never knew what fear is,-that he never turned his back in the day of battle. No one has more love for the white men than I have. The war we have had with them has been long and bloody on both sides. Rivers of blood have run on all parts, and yet no good has resulted therefrom to any. I once more repeat it, let us be at peace with these men. I will forget our injuries; the interest of my country demands it. I will forget,-but difficult indeed is the task! Yes, I will forget-that Major Rogers

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