JANUARY 2, 1833.] Reduction of Postage. [SENATE. post office; to those who contribute its means, and by if the amendment was adopted, what then? He thought righteous measures, apportion their burdens. the committee, if they were of opinion that reductions conMoreover, Mr. President, this establishment, immensely sistent with the means of the department could be made, enlarged as it has been, does sustain itself and more. would report a bill making such reductions as would We have the statement, on the official authority of the leave no funds at the discretion of the department. But Postmaster General, that for the last year, notwithstand- if they were ordered in the peremptory terms of the reing the multiplication of mail routes, far surpassing any solution, the committee could not fail to report a substanformer year, the nett receipts have exceeded those of tial reduction, even if it should take half a million or a the year preceding $260,000, and which sum will ex-million out of the treasury. ceed the additional amount required for transportation by Mr. BIBB, in rising, said he did not design to take any more than a $100,000. With such abundant prosperity, further part in the general discussion. The argument why should we hesitate to consider and act in this matter, was now reduced to a single point, and every Senator had when gentlemen who oppose profess entire willing to make up his opinion on the alternative, whether the ness to reduce the postage, if the department can bear it? department should be burdened on the treasury, or susIt was insisted in further objection to the resolution, tained by its own funds. According to the report of the that it left but little discretion to the Post Office Com- Postmaster General, there was now a surplus of $100,000 mittee; and, indeed, restrained it to a degree almost dis-over the expenses of the department, and this calculation respectful. Why, sir, this is urging difficulties a great was bottomed on the account of the whole postage reway. The proposition is of most general import. The ceipts without diminution, leaving nothing for losses or Senate will fix nothing but the propriety of a reduction, deficiencies, and it was allowed on the understanding that and then refer over to the committee the entire subject, no new mail routes were to be established. Without with all its details. It will leave them to arrange the rates looking to contingencies or future extension, we are now to after juster proportions, to report on what items a re-dispose of this $100,000. The whole revenue of the deduction should be made, and to ascertain the amount.partment appeared to be about $2,200,000, and upon And if there be a majority of the Senate in favor of the this sum a reduction to the amount of $100,000 would be proposition, it is surely desirable, even to the committee, in the proportion of about four and a half per cent. This that it should be known; as we now understand, that no was all which could be touched. They were now rebill for a reduction of the postage will be reported from quired to take off a cent from every six cents postage, that committee, unless upon such a resolution as is under and they would thus be going into fractional reductions consideration. which would be productive of great inconvenience, both And, in conclusion, to evince the pacific character of to the individual and to the department. He would ask the resolution, in defence against the charge of harsh in- if it was proper for the Senate to legislate for the purterference with the duties of the department and the com-pose of making a reduction of four and a half per cent. mittee, take the case of postage on single and double let- It was too small a subject for legislation. He had last ters. Why, there is no one who doubts the arbitrary session been in favor of a reduction of the postage on disproportion of the assessment. That a letter paying newspapers, but it was a definite reduction, which left it twenty-five cents postage should pay fifty for another clear what amount would remain in the department. In leaf, or even any small fragment of it, is an inequality the present case, no one could tell the effect of the rethat can be justified on no principle; and so it has been ductions, or how much the reductions were to be. He concede: in argument at this time. Then, Mr. Presi- could not vote for so indefinite a proposition. dent, a reduction of this rate should the committee be Mr. SPRAGUE said that the reasons which he had unwilling to go further, would meet and justify the whole presented on a former day in favor of the original resoluscope of the resolution. The truth is, there are no serious tion, had, in his opinion, received no satisfactory answer. difficulties whatever in the way of a proper adjustment, He did not now intend to recapitulate them, but merely and he hoped that the amendment would not prevail, but to notice, very briefly, the remarks which had just been a distinct instruction be sent to the committee for a bilk to offered in favor of the amendment. The gentleman from reduce the rates of postage. Kentucky [Mr. BIBD] says that a reduction of four and Mr. POINDEXTER said that in order to prevent any a half per cent. would be but a very trifling affair, unmisapprehension as to his vote, he wished to state that in worthy of attention and inconvenient in its operation. voting against the amendment, and for the original resolu- But who has proposed such a reduction? Not my resolu tion, he did not intend to commit himself to vote for any tion, nor any gentleman who has sustained it; nobody but bill which might be reported. He thought some reduc- the honorable member himself has suggested four and a tions of the rates of postage necessary. The bill would half per cent. as the extent of the diminution. It is his be of course reported in blank, and it would be for the own proposition, then, which the gentleman pronounces Senate to fill up the blanks. He should, therefore, with- to be insignificant and vexatious, and I certainly have no out entering into the various topics which had been brought into this discussion, vote for the instruction, leaving it to be determined hereafter how far reduction ought to be carried. The subjects of the tariff and the public lands, which had been mixed up with this debate, he considered as extraneous. Whenever those subjects should' come sury. It is repeated and reiterated that the department up, he would be prepared to give his vote upon them. For the present, without entering into any of the details of the subject, he should vote for the resolution in its original form. disposition to interpose between him and his offspring. The chairman of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads [Mr. GRUNDY] has presented, in various forms, and under all its aspects, the objection that a reduction will involve the necessity of calling upon the national trea should sustain itself; that if you once allow the precedent of calling for any aid from the treasury, no bounds or limits will or can be prescribed to its inroad, and horrible pictures of extravagance and ruin are conjured up Mr. GRUNDY said he did not rise to go into this de- by the affrighted imagination. One would think that to bate again, but merely to express what, in his view, would receive aid from the general funds of the Government be the duty of the committee. Should the amendment be was a violation of uniform practice and fixed principles, rejected, and the resolution be adopted in its original when, in fact, the Post Office Department has, ever since form, the committee, without regard to the means of the the organization of the Government required aid, receivdepartment, would of course report a bill making substan-ed annual appropriations from the national treasury. For tial reductions in the rates of postage. They would be several years last past those demands have averaged nearly compelled to do so, under the mandate of the Senate. But seventy thousand dollars. The new precedent, against SENATE.] Reduction of Postage. which the note of alarm is sounded so loudly, is found in ment. It saves that amount to the national treasury. Suptruth to have been the uniform practice from the first days pose, then, that this--the worst consequence that has been This simple apprehended or predicted by any one, the payment from of the department to the present moment. fact, I trust, will be sufficient to dispel extravagant appre- the treasury of the Government postage-should ensue hensions, and enable us to look calmly at the justice and from the proposed reduction of rates, would there be any injustice? Nay, sir, is it not necessary, in order to preexpediency of the proposed measure. The original proposition simply and singly declares that serve the principles of equal taxation for common bethere shall be some reduction of the rate of postage.nefits? The amount, the mode, the items, and the time, are left The present rates of postage are essentially the same as to the consideration of the committee and the future de- those established forty years ago, in the infancy of the termination of the Senate. Now, sir, to the only objection country; when the wants of the Government were urgent, which has been urged, that the department will not be and the experience of the department nothing; when the Since that time there able to sustain itself, there are several satisfactory answers: roads were bad, the difficulties of transportation great, First. That a reduction of some of the rates of postage and the business transacted small. does not necessarily involve a diminution of the receipts have been, throughout the whole country which was traof the department; on the contrary, there is good reason versed by the mails when the rates were originally estato believe that rendering the transportation cheaper, in blished, a wonderful, an astonishing increase in the faciTake, for lities of transportation and the amount of business; and yet some particulars would increase the amount. And still the department, example, double and treble letters: the smallest piece of this tax upon the diffusion of light and knowledge is kept paper, a bank bill enclosed, duplicates the tax, without up to its full original amount. increasing the labor of transportation. If the expense was which originally sustained itself, cannot now, we are told, less, would not the number be increased? Would not bear a reduction, because, in that event, it will not be able thousands of such letters be put into the mail that are now to stand upon its own revenues. Why will it not be able intrusted to a more precarious and procrastinated con- to stand alone? Because of the continual enlargement of veyance by private hand; and by proper restriction as to facilities and expenses upon unproductive post routes, and weight, public convenience, and the revenue of the de- the extension of the franking privilege. If this argument partment, both be advanced? I might also adduce, in is allowed to be sound, the time can never arrive when further illustration, cases of short distances, and easy com- the citizens of any portion of the country can anticipate a munication, where private, to a degree, supplants public diminution in the onerous burden upon the circulation of But the principle that a reduction of the information. No matter what improvements they make, conveyance. rate of tax may increase the revenue, is too well known at their own expense, in the construction of highways, and established to need illustration; and yet the assump-railroads, and canals; even if they reduce the expense to tion that it must and will certainly diminish the receipts, the Government to less than half its original amount, while the increase of business may more than quadruple the reis the foundation of the objection to the resolution. But suppose that the revenue from postage should be ceipts from postage, still the money thus drawn from them diminished, it would not necessarily require supplies from will forever be expended by the Postmaster General. the treasury; it might be met by greater economy in the There will always be contractors and agents asking extra disbursements of the department; by a less amount of allowances; there will always be a desire for an extension extra allowances made at the mere discretion and uncon- of the frank; there will always be new, and unprofitable, trolled will of the Postmaster General to contractors; by and unnecessary routes to absorb the whole funds; and a less liberal or lavish expenditure for unprofitable and we shall always be told that the head of the department In these respects there has been, has made arrangements to expend the whole revenue; and, unnecessary routes. and still is, a wide and almost unlimited scope for the therefore, we must never touch the rates of postage. It No depart- has been objected that those who receive the benefit of mere discretion of the Postmaster General. ment of this Government has so much patronage, and so the mails should pay the expense. If so, the Government, little responsibility; and this has arisen from the ideal di- then, should pay for the amount of its accommodation, vorce between this and the other branches of the public and the unproductive routes should meet their own exservice. "The post office sustains itself," is the reply to penses. But this is more than I ask. As the matter now all complaint, and the shield against all scrutiny. It seems stands, the Government transportation, and the unproalmost to have claimed and enjoyed immunity from inves-ductive mails are both thrown upon the productive routes, tigation, by folding itself in its own robes, and saying it to the subversion of equality and justice. "sustains itself." But how does it sustain itself? Is it The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. BIBB] has heretonot by a tax upon the people? Is it not by the money of fore strongly advocated an abolition of the postage on our constituents? Shall we not, then, inquire to what ex-newspapers; and, as my proposition is simply that there tent this burden is necessary, and whether it is levied upon shall be some reduction of the rate of postage, I had conprinciples of justice? You or I, sir, and other officers of fidently anticipated that it would conciliate his support. the Government, and the Government itself, enjoy an im- But although still in favor of a reduction, he is opposed to "Free" is subscribed upon our instructing the committee to reduce, lest they should not munity from this tax. communications, and they are transported to the remotest make the particular modification which he has at heart. corners of the Union without charge; but at whose ex- He fears to give the committee so much latitude of dis pense? From whom does the department draw the money cretion, and yet he is in favor of this amendment, which which pays for this transportation? Is it not from the post- has no other effect than to enlarge that discretion. He age paid by private citizens? They then pay not only the will not trust the committee with a limited power as to expense of conveying their own letters and newspapers, the particulars in which the reduction shall be made, but but those of the Government also. The packages, books, prefers a proposition which gives them every latitude, not and documents thus diffused, are not for the benefit merely only as to the items and amount, but whether there shall of those who pay the postage, but of the whole country. be any reduction or not. The benefit is general; should not the burden also be ge-nal proposition being single, simple, and unencumbered neral? The postage upon Government documents would be half a million of dollars a year. This department, then, not merely "sustains itself," but contributes by its labor half a million of dollars annually to the aid of the Govern I had hoped, sir, that the origi by details, would command the support of every member who is in favor of any diminution; and, notwithstanding his argument, I hope we shall yet have the vote even of the Senator from Kentucky himself. Mr. SMITH rose to move to lay the subject on the ta 49 Reduction of Postage.--Duties on Imports. ble, in order to follow it with a motion to proceed to the Mr. SPRAGUE hoped that the Senate would now take Mr. SMITH then yielded. Mr. MILLER rose to give, in a word or two, the reasons which would induce him to vote against the resolution. If the Senate gave an instruction to their committees, the instruction ought to be definite. This resolution was so defective in this particular, that the committee might substantially avoid the reductions which were expected. They are directed to do something, or to do nothing. If responsibility was to be taken from the committee, they ought to be plainly instructed what they were to do. He would vote in favor of the amendment, and whenever the committee should make their report, if any gentleman should offer a proposition more agreeable to him than the report, he would vote for it. The question was then put on the amendment offered by Mr. GRUNDY, and decided as follows: 50 [SENATE. Grundy, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Robinson, Smith, NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Black, Chambers, Clay, ed by Mr. BROWN, to strike out the whole of the ori- as little delay as may be, to furnish the Senate with the projet of a bill for reducing the duties levied upon im"That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed, with ports, in conformity with the suggestions made by him in his annual report.' Mr. POINDEXTER, in a few words, opposed the amendment and supported the original proposition. YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Black, Brown, Buck-cles deemed essential to the national defence in time of Mr. CLAY rose to signify his desire to receive from ner, Dallas, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, war. the Treasury Department some specification of the artiKing, Mangum, Miller, Moore, Robinson, Smith, Tipton, White, Wilkins.--20. NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clayton, Dickerson, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes, Knight, Naudain, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomlinson, Webster.--18. So the amendment was agreed to. The question recurring on the resolution as amended, Mr. FOOT moved to amend the same by inserting after the word "reducing," the words He explained that the object was to do away the inequa"and equalizing." lity and injustice which prevailed under the present sys tem, The amendment was agreed to. Mr. HOLMES then moved further to amend the resolution, by adding the words "and particularly of abolishing the postage on newspapers." After a few words from Mr. GRUNDY and Mr. THURSDAY, JANUARY 3. When the doors were opened, the Senate resumed the consideration of the following resolution, submitted by Mr. POINDEXTER on the 17th ult.: Be nish all necessary information connected with the finanIt was made the duty of that department to furment must be supposed to possess of the general course of trade, and the operation of any given reduction upon ces of the country. The knowledge which the departthe finances, rendered the views of the Secretary necessary to a more correct understanding of the subject. ment in a specific and responsible form for the reduction fore he recently left the city, he had, in conversation, expressed a wish to see the plan of the Treasury Departarticles which were considered by the Executive and the of the revenue, and particularly a specification of those Secretary as essential to national defence. As it respectin the shape of a bill or in a detailed report. He, howed the form in which this information should be imbodiever, agreed with those who contended that the Senate ed, it was not a matter of much consequence, whether ment for the projet of a bill. should not call on the Executive or the head of a departa body, to call in this way for a bill. It was not unusual ing that the practice had never existed for the Senate, as He felt warranted in sayor improper for committees to do so; bnt if there were any precedents where either the Senate or House of Representatives had called on the head of a department for a in time to such an extent, as to deprive Congress of its bill, it had escaped his recollection. legitimate powers, and no bill might be permitted to pass, to see such a practice obtain; because it might be carried He should be sorry should vote against the amendment, and in favor of the original resolution. unless a projet was furnished by the Department. He Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to the Senate, with as little delay as practicable, a detailed statement of the articles of foreign growth or manufacture on which, in his opinion, the pre- ence between the two propositions. The original resolusent rate of duties ought to be reduced; specifying particu- tion asked for the opinions of the Secretary--the latter Mr. SMITH considered that there was no great differlarly the amount of reduction on each article separately, so called for facts. We wanted facts, and not opinions. He as to produce the result of an aggregate reduction of the was opposed to calling for the opinions of the head of any revenue six millions of dollars, on such manufactures as department. It had been the practice to call upon Mr. are classed under the general denomination of protected Hamilton, when Secretary of the Treasury, for opinions; articles; and that he also append to such report an enu- which opinions had great weight, and were with many meration of articles deemed to be "essential to our na- equal to law. These calls on Mr. Hamilton were made tional independence in time of war," and which, there- by his friends, with a view, probably, to influence others; fore, ought, in his opinion, to be exempted from the but, in this case, he imagined the opinions of the present operation of the proposed reduction of duties. The question being on the amendment of Mr. KING, Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. POINDEXTER.] He believed proposing to strike out the clause of the resolution com- that Congress had called on Mr. Dallas for the projet of a Secretary of the Treasury would weigh but little with the mencing "and that he also append to such report," &c. bill. The original resolution was indefinite in all respects. Mr. POINDEXTER repeated, substantially, some of The other proposition would answer the purpose which the arguments used by him on a former occasion, against the proposed amendment. The question was then taken, and the amendment was gentlemen desired, as the projet of a bill would explain properly belonged to the House of Representatives; and, as the committee of that house (who had been aided in their deliberations by the Secretary of the Treasury) had reported a bill, which would be acted on forthwith, he could see no necessity for calling on the Secretary for the repetition of his views to the Senate. Mr. BROWN said he did not rise to discuss the resolution. He merely wished to controvert the remark of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] that no precedent could be found in the Journals of either House, where the head of a department had been called upon for the projet of a bill. Mr. CLAY explained. He had said that no preccdent of the kind had occurred within his recollection. Mr. BROWN resumed. In the remarks made by him, a few days since, on this subject, he had taken the ground that the proposition was sustained by precedent. [Mr. B. here read from the journal of the Senate, of 1831-2, a resolution submitted by Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, and adopted, calling on the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and furnish, at the commencement of the next session, a bill regulating the pay of the officers of the cus toms, &c.] Mr. B. remarked, in conclusion, that he believed the House of Representatives had made a like call, on a different subject, at the last session. Mr. CLAY said there might be a single case; but he believed there was no instance where a call of this kind had been made, where the subject had been brought to the consideration of the House and controverted. Mr. FOOT said it was obvious, if the bill which had been reported in the House of Representatives was the Secretary's bill, as intimated by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. SMITH,] the amendment proposed by the gentleman from North Carolina was unnecessary. The Secretary of the Treasury has furnished us in his report with his general views on this subject: we now want the reasons upon which these general ews are founded. JANUARY 3, 4, 1833. on his adroitness in converting this road into a military road, because it removed it from the danger of the Presidential veto, but objected to the amendment. Mr. HENDRICKS also expressed his apprehension that the amendment would embarrass and weigh down the bill. After a few words from Mr. BUCKNER, Mr. SMITH moved to lay the bill on the table--yeas 18. The Senate then resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. POINDEXTER. The question being on the motion of Mr. BROWN to substitute the resolution offered from the Committee on Finance. Mr. HOLMES said, he gave the Senator from North Carolina [Mr. MANGUM] full credit for his motive in objecting to this call. He, last session, was opposed to a similar call, and he opposes this to preserve his consistency; although that was made for information concerning a bill, after the debate upon it was almost finished, and a contrary vote here, in this stage of the subject, would by no means impeach his consistency: still, (said Mr. H.) I admit, it is a great affair at this time, if a man can preserve an apparent consistency for so long a time as six months. The Senator from Maryland, [Mr. SMITH,] I believe, would not consider it much of a merit to preserve consistency for any time: for, if I have understood him right, he would rank it, at best, with the minor virtues. I am in favor of the resolution which asks for a projet of a tariff, but opposed to the amendment which asks for it in the form of a bill. The reasoning of the Senator from Maryland seems to me to resist the very conclusion which he seeks. He would have facts, and not opinions. Now, if I were to call for facts, a bill is the last thing I would exact. What is a bill but a projet of a law? and whoever heard that this is a statement of facts? Every law is an experiment, an opinion. Facts state things as Mr. HOLMES had met with a document calculated to they are; opinions, what they should be. Now a bill or throw some light on the subject, but which was not then law proposes something to be done; and, so far from staat his commmand. He would, therefore, move an ad- ting facts as they are, it is usually found necessary that journment; but he withdrew the motion at the instance of cach bill presented here should be accompanied by a reMr. POINDEXTER, who said he would be willing to port detailing the facts as they exist, on which the bill, accommodate the gentleman from Maine, but the subject or opinion, is based. It was, to be sure, once the prachad been some time before the Senate, fully discussed, and every Senator was prepared to give his vote. He had no doubt the gentleman would be able to bring forward precedents to bear him out in his views; but he hoped the question would be taken, and the subject finally disposed of. Mr. HOLMES renewed the motion to adjourn, which was carried. The Senate then adjourned. FRIDAY, JANUARY 4. CUMBERLAND ROAD. The bill for the continuation of the Cumberland rod from Vandalia, in the State of Illinois, to Jefferson City, in the State of Missouri, was then taken up in Committee of the Whole. tice to pass laws with preambles, stating the facts and reasons, but that has been long since exploded. Either the Senator or myself is hallucinated. If he wants facts, he would ask the Secretary for a bill, in which he would be very sure not to get them; and he would not call for a report, the only way in which he could possibly obtain them: that is, he would do the very thing that would defeat his professed purpose. Now, sir, I want both the facts and opinions of the Secretary, the thing as it is, and the thing as, in his opinion, it should be. And why this delicacy? Why attempt to shield a public officer from a responsibility, which the very law creating his office imposes on him? Never, before this administration, did this Senate seck for a panoply to screen a public officer from scrutiny. The act of September, 1789, establishing the Treasury Department, makes it the duty of the Secretary "to diMr. BENTON moved to amend the bill by adding after gest and propose plans for the improvement and managethe word "Missouri," the words "and thence to the ment of the revenue, and for the support of public crewestern frontier of Missouri, in the direction of the mili- dit;" and further, "to make report, and give informatary post on the Missouri river, above the mouth of the tion to either branch of the Legislature, in person, or in Kansas river." writing, as he may be required, respecting all matters Mr. BENTON advocated his amendment as being ren-referred to him by the Senate or House of Representadered necessary by the state of the population, and the condition of the frontier, which required the construction of a military road similar to that of Mars's Hill, in the State of Maine. tives, or which shall appertain to his office." Special calls were the usual way information was obtained from this department, until the act of the 10th May, 1800, made it the duty of the Secretary to make the reports, required by the act of 1789, at the commencement of each session of Congress. Now, sir, I would inquire of the Senator from Mary JANUARY 4, 1833.] Tariff. [SENATE. land how he is to distinguish these reports from opinions? to the precedent, because it was derived from the adminThe act of 1800 requires of the Secretary annual estimates istration of the Government by the federal party. Mr. of revenue and expenditures; and pray, sir, is not an esti- McL. expressed his regret that any thing should have mate an opinion, a judgment, the result of a process of fallen from that gentleman which might have a tendenreasoning Really, sir, can the Senator be serious? Had cy to revive animosities which, for the happiness of the he not looked very grave, I should have thought he was country, ought never to be disturbed. But, he said, if disposed to be playful on this subject. These calls upon the department for opinions, as well as facts, have been the constant practice of both Houses, ever since the adoption of the constitution. In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives the 15th January, 1790, Mr. Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, made his report on manufactures. "The embarrassments which have obstructed the progress of our external trade have led to serious reflections on the necessity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce." Speaking of the productiveness of manufactures and agriculture, he says: this subject was to be introduced, he was willing to meet the gentleman from South Carolina. The precedent he had referred to, was a precedent set in party times, and of the federal party. But, said Mr. McL., it does not, because it is a precedent of the federal party, come to me with less title to respect. Is this the only precedent of that party? It is the precedent of a party, says the gentleman, capable of enacting the alien and sedition laws. True, it is, and it is the precedent of a party which organized this Government, which put it in motion, after building it up, and established the policy which, wisely cherished, had made this nation, at this day, prosperous at home and respected abroad. It is the precedent of that administration, to the wisdom of which, time, which tries all things, was fixing its seat. It is a precedent of the same party that established the judiciary, built up the navy, created an army, and laid the foundations of the system of national defence, which has afforded to us security at home, and protection abroad. After copying from that party all these measures of national Additional employment of classes of the community glory and prosperity, why will not the honorable gentlenot particularly or necessarily engaged, women and chil-man receive from it also this precedent, which has the dren." same motives, and the same great objects in view? In "Emigration from foreign countries, greater scope for all other cases, the federal party consulted the true interthe diversity of talents, and a more ample field for enter-ests of the country; and their measures were calculated prize." to subserve them, or it has been folly to adopt them. In "The uncertainty of the foreign demand for the pro- the case now brought into precedent, they had the same ducts of agriculture should induce us to substitute a home market." "The maintenance of two citizens, instead of one, is going on, and the State has two members instead of one, and they, together, consume twice the value of what is produced from the land." "The division of labor and its effects, greater skill and dexterity, economy of time, and an extension of the use of machinery." “The arguments against the encouragement of manufactures would have great force, if perfect liberty to industry and commerce were the prevailing system of nations. But the regulations of several countries with which we have the most extensive intercourse, throw serious obstructions in the way of the principal staples of the United States." It is no small consolation that the measures which restricted our trade have accelerated internal improvements. Against the hypothesis that manufactures unprotected will grow up as fast as the interests of the community require, he replies: "The strong influence of habit, the spirit of imitation, the fear of success in untried enterprises, intrinsic difficulties incident to first essays against foreign competitors, with their skill, and the protection which they experience." objects in view, and, the gentleman will find, if he adopt their policy in this respect also, he will reap the fruits of this, as he has done of the other precedents set by them." After this, sir, I trust that it will not be doubted that Mr. Hamilton would be good authority with the Secretary. But lest I should be mistaken in this, I will give you an authority from the great apostle of democracy, which will no doubt have its due weight with this very democratic administration. The Secretary of State, (Mr. Jefferson,) to whom was referred the report of the Committee of the House of Representatives, on the written message of the President, of 14th February, 1791, with instructions to report his opinion on commercial restrictions, made 23d February, 1793, observes: "Where a nation imposes high duties on our productions, or prohibits them altogether, it may be proper for us to do the same by theirs, first burdening or excluding those productions which they bring here in competition with our own of the same kind, imposing on those duties lighter at first, but heavier and heavier afterwards, as other channels of supply open." "When a nation refuses to receive in our vessels any production but our own, we may refuse to receive in theirs any but their productions." "Where a nation refuses to our vessels the carriage even of our own productions to certain countries under their domination, we might refuse to theirs of every description the carriage of the same productions to the same He was called on by the House of Representatives for his opinion, for a plan, and he gave at length, and in detail, his plan and his reasons, and in a masterly manner. It is foreign from my design to discuss the merits of this State paper, my object being only to convince, even the Senator from Maryland himself, how palpably he errs in the position he takes; but I may be allowed to say the wisdom of the maxims he there laid down have been found, by experience, to be those of the profoundest wisdom. It is possible it may be objected that those were countries." the maxims of federal times, and of an ultra federalist. I I have the journals before me, in which I might find think, however, the present Secretary will not object to cases so numerous as to prove a constant uninterrupted them on that account. I believe he never disguised his practice. I have one more under Mr. Madison's, and ultra federalism, nor shrunk from a defence of the doc- another under Mr. Monroe's administration, on this same trines of his party. I have here a speech of his delivered subject of a tariff, to which I will merely refer the Senin the House of Representatives, in 1824, from which I ate, but will not delay them by reading the cases. I bewill give the following extract: lieve I can find several where the call was made on the motion of the Senator from Maryland himself; but as he does not affect to think much of consistency, it may be as well to pass them by. "When up before (Mr. McLane said) he had referred to the precedent of 1801, as bearing upon the present case. In answer to the argument drawn from it, the gentleman from South Carolina had denied any weight| I repeat, sir, it seems exceedingly strange that there |