error I shall employ every means in my power; and if unhappily we fall into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine."

Thus wisely did he ever seek to guard against the delusions of hope, as he had hitherto resisted the impulses of despair. But Congress either did not partake in his apprehensions, or neglected to provide against their

consequences. in a state probably worse than it was before, had the British government resolved on continuing the war, and made its preparations accordingly. But from the receipt of the news of the capture of Cornwallis, the ministry ceased to carry a majority of the House of Commons in favour of such a measure. Various motions were made for putting an end to the war, and finally a majority of that body passed a resolution, declaring "That the House would consider as enemies to his majesty and to the country all those who should advise or attempt the further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of America." The command of the British forces in this country was given to Sir Guy Carleton, with instructions to prepare the

The country would have been

way for an accommodation by every proper means in his

power.

That officer accordingly opened a correspondence with Congress, earnestly proposing the appointment of commissioners on their part to negotiate a reconciliation. By the terms of the treaty of alliance between the United States and France, neither party could conclude a separate peace without the consent of the other, and the negotiations were transferred to Paris. Here, on the 30th of November, 1782, the provisional articles of a treaty were agreed on by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, on the part of the United States, and Messrs. Fitzherbert and Oswald on behalf of Great Britain. The definitive treaty of peace was, however, not finally ratified until the 30th of September, 1783. It recognised the independence of the United States, and for ever abrogated the claims of Great Britain to the sovereignty.

Thus, after a series of sacrifices as great as was perhaps ever made by any nation for the attainment of freedom, and an accumulation of sufferings, hardships, disappointments, and ag

gravated difficulties, which could only have been borne by a brave, steady, and virtuous people, the United States won for themselves a station among the independent nations of the earth. The price was high, but the blessing was well worth the purchase. It was liberty, without which man is little better in spirit and intellect than the brute that perishes. It is to liberty the people of the United States are indebted for all they are, all they will ever be. If, judging as we have a right to do, of the future by the past, the United States are, as I trust they are, destined to become, at no distant period, a rare and memorable example of successful enterprise, intellectual vigour, patriotic spirit, social virtue, and unequalled prosperity; if they ever justify by their future happiness and glory the predictions of philosophers and the hopes of the world, it will be owing entirely to their continuing to cherish in their heart of hearts, that liberty which was purchased for them by the blood of their fathers, aided by the virtue and heroism of Washington.

It might have been supposed, that now the great battle had been fought and won, the country would have quietly reposed from its long

struggles in the arms of peace, and that Washington might now be permitted to return to Mount Vernon, to enjoy the long-coveted blessings of retirement, under the shade of his laurels. But though the wind no longer whistled, the waves had not yet subsided.

As the excitement of war died away, and the soldiers of the revolution ceased to fear for the safety and independence of their country, they began to think of themselves. Previously discontented by what they considered the neglect of Congress to provide for their wants, and pay them their dues, they now became violently agitated by indignation and despair, when it was known they were about to be disbanded in all probability without their just demands being complied with. They had already petitioned Congress, and deputed a committee of officers to represent their claims to that body. Both their apprehensions and indignation had been aggravated by neglect and delay. Hitherto nothing had been done to quiet their fears, or administer to their necessities.

In this critical state of affairs, when nothing but pouring oil on the troubled waters could have allayed their fury, an anonymous paper was

circulated among the troops then assembled at Newburgh and its vicinity, inviting a meeting of the general and field officers for the purpose of consulting on the measures most effectual for procuring that redress of grievances, which they had hitherto solicited in vain. This paper was accompanied by an address to the officers of the army, most eminently and adroitly calculated to produce mischief.

It pleaded the motives and services of the writer; the claims of the soldiers of the revolution; the cold neglect of Congress; and urged the probability of a final refusal to comply with their just requisitions. It painted the situation of the officers and soldiers, if they suffered themselves to be disbanded and sent home to enjoy the remnant of a miserable life in rags, poverty, and contempt; it called upon them to "carry their appeal from the justice to the fears of the government ;" and it distinctly pointed out the course proper to be pursued by the army in case of a "war" with Congress. It recommended that," courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of their illustrious leader, they should retire to some unsettled wilderness, smile in their turn, and mock when

VOL. II.-L