20 MASSASOIT. [Book II. Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoit's dominions, one of which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the same which now bears that name. Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next visitor to the shores of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was in 1602, and he was the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years before. The route had hitherto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from New England took up nearly a year. We can know nothing of the early times of Massasoit. Our next visitor to his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon; thence, in that month, for Virginia, in an open pinnace; consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained no people ; and farther onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickness, which was then prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plimouth, all were dead. From thence he traveled a day's journey into the country westward, to Namasket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent à messenger to visit Massasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two Frenchmen from Massasoit's people, who had been cast away on the coast three years before. But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchase, the compiler of the Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1619. "When I arrived at my savage's [Squanto's] native country, (finding all dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called Nummastaquyt, where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey farther west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded; where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Masstaand that Capt. Gosnoll, who made a little stay in the same place, gave such a report of N. England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immediately procured a charter," &c.-Vol. I. p. 337, 333. If we could know from whence the above was taken (that is, the authority the writer of that work made use of), it might at once, perhaps, settle the question. Oldmixon, I. 25, has the same fact, though not quite so circumstantially related. Mr. Bancroft, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United States, supposes Oldmixon, through carelessness, mistakes Drake's landing in California, in 1579, for that in N. England, in 1586, because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elsewhere stated. But Drake was 40 days from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give him time enough to have visited N. England. See "The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Sir Francis Drake," &c., small 12mo., London, (without date), page 133. See also Stith's Virginia, p. 16. What is said in Blome's account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words are, "The year following (1585), Sir Richard Greenvile conveyed an English colony thither [this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there [yet he is speaking of N. Eng.] till the next year (1586), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drake, into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof." Blome's work was printed in 1687, and may have been Oldmixon's authority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV., p. 291, it is said, "Sir Francis Droke, who made a discent on the coast, continued there but a very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country was so much forgotten in 1602, that Gosnold fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Forster's error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 1585, is surprising; but it is still more surprising that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Forster, 295, and Anspach, Newfoundland, 74. In Prince's Worthies of Devon, an account of Sir Bernard Drake's expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen Elizabeth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or others, that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of which he captured, and dispersed the rest, and returned to England with several Portuguese prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instructed Sir Francis to coast up into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there were any vessels of other nations usurping the rights of her citizens; and hence inattentive writers have confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being both distinguished admirals at that time, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same family. The expedition of Sir Bernard was the year before that of Sir Francis, and hence arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. Capt. George Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593; but whether any of them landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown. CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 21 chusit, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the north-east of Cape Cod." We have mentioned his interview with Massasoit, whom we suppose was one of the kings mentioned in the letter, and Quadequina was no doubt the other. In another letter, Mr. Dermer says the Indians would have killed him at Namasket, had not Squanto entreated hard for him. "Their desire of revenge (he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on board, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when (as they say) they offered no injury on their parts." Mr. Thomas Morton,* the author who made himself so merry at the expense of the Pilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these Frenchmen:-"It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at new Plimmouth in New England, that, upon some distast given in the Massachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called Peddock's Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where many wilde anckies + haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) distributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories adjoyning, they did keep them so long as they lived, only to sport themselves at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is the generall worke they require of a servant. One of these five men outliving the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede: saying that God would be angry with them for it; and that he would in his displeasure destroy them; but the salvages (it seems, boasting of their strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that God could not kill them." This seems to be the same story, only differently told from that related above from Smith. Dec. 11, Q. S., 1620, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed themselves of a portion of Massasoit's country. With the nature of their proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his men to observe their strange motions. Very few of these Indians, however, were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who had been some time with the English fishing vessels about the country of the Kennebeck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what was progressing among the strangers at his place of Patuxet, which these intruders now called Plimouth. This was in March, 1621. In his "New Canaan," 22, 23. + Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with this animal! The length of a year was fixed by Julius Cæsar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 365 days. This of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then added to the 365 in the month of February, which 4th year was called leap year, because it leaped forward one day. But by this supputation it was perceived that the year was too long, and consequently the seasons were getting out of place. Pope Gregory found, in 1582, that the vernal equinox, which at the time of the Nicene council, A. D. 325, fell on 21 March, fell now 10 days beyond it; therefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582; and to prevent the recurrence of the difficulty in future, decreed that 3 days should be abated in every 400 years, by restoring leap years to common years at the end of 3 successive centuries, and making leap year again at the close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, &c. though divisible by 4, are common years, but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This method of keeping the year is called NEW STYLE, and that before the reformation by Gregory, OLD STYLE. Even this correction does not set the year exactly right; but the error is so small that it amounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 years, and we need not trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation. Because this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of Sept. of that year should be called the 14th, thereby striking out 11 days, which their calendar at that late period required, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our calling the 11 Dec. O. S., the 22 N. S. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10 is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years after it had been introduced by Gregory, another day was gained, and therefore 10+1=11. My venerated friend, Dr. Thacher of Plimouth, makes an error in setting it down that we should add but 10 days, owing to a wrong view taken of the matter in his Hist. of Plimouth. Among all our school-books, it is pitiful that no one explains this important matter. 22 MASSASOIT. [Book II. We have, in speaking of Samoset and Squanto, observed that it was through the agency of the former that a knowledge was gained by the pilgrims of Massasoit. It was upon 22 March, 1621, that they brought the welcome news to Plimouth, that their chief was near at hand;*" and they brought with them (say the Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken and dried, but not salted; and signified unto us, that their great sagamore, Massasoit, was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother. They could not well express in English what they would; but after an hour the king came to the top of an hill [supposed to be that now called Watson's, on the south side of Town-brook] over against us, and had in his train 60 men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so Squanto went again unto him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edward Winslow, to know his mind, and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted." The Englishman then made a speech to him about his king's love and goodness to him and his people, and that he accepted of him as his friend and ally. "He liked well of the speech, (say the English,) and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it; but, on the other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some 20 men following him. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger." As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly finished, and a green rug was spread upon the floor, and several cushions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn "drank a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after." They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated, that neither Massasoit nor any of his people should do hurt to the English, and that if they did they should be given up to be punished by them; and that if the English did any harm to him or any of his people, they (the English) would do the like to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would esteem him his friend and ally. "All which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applauded of his followers." And they add, "All the while he sat by the governor, he trembled for fear," At this time he is described as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech; in his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, and gave us to drink. His face was painted with a sad red * Mourt's narrative is here continued from the last extract in p. 10, without any omission. I presume that by "drinking tobacco," smoking is meant. The pilgrims were probably not acquainted with the practice of smoking at all, and hence this sort of misnomer is not strange, though it may be thought a little odd. How long smoking went by the name of drinking at Plimouth I do not learn; but in 1646 this entry is found in the Plimouth records: -Anthony Thacher and George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order concerning disorderly drinking of Tobacco." Roger Williams says, in his Key, "Generally all the men throughout the country have a tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at their back." Dr. Thacher says, that an aged man in Plimouth, who was a great smoker, used to term like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were, in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white; some with crosses and other antic works; some had skins on them, and some naked; all strong, tall men in appearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could. Samoset and Squanto stayed all night with us.” Massasoit retired into the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 1621. During his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and during the treaty could not refrain from trembling. Thus it is easy to see how much hand he had in making it, but would that there had never been worse ones made. It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all summer. "That night we kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people came over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Capt. Standish and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their manner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohigansets,† that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 or 11 of the clock; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled it with peas, which pleased them well; and so they went their way." Thus ended the first visit of Massasoit to the pilgrims. We should here note that he ever after treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded was undisturbed for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart. The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragansets. But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small skirmishing. Meanwhile Squanto and Samoset remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their country; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man Friday, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Alexander Selkirk.—“ Squanto went to fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument." it drinking tobacco. Hist. Plim. 34. This we infer was within the recollection of the author. The notion that tobacco is so called from the island Tobago, is erroneously entertained by many. When Sir Francis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579, the writer of the account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small basket made of rushes, filled with an herb they called tabah. From another passage it appears, that the Indians of that region, like those of New England, had bags in which tobacco was carried. Burney's Voyages, I. 344–7. * And, with this fact before him, the author of " Tales of the Indians" says, the treaty was made with deliberation and cheerfulness on the part of Massasoit! Few Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian language, it is evident that nor should be used in it. Nabigonsik and Nantigansick, R. Williams-Nechegansitt, Gookin.-Nantyggansiks, Callender-Nanohigganset, Winslow's Good News from N. Eng.-Nanhyganset, Judge Johnson's Life of Gen. Greene.-These are but few of the permutations without the r, and those with it are still more numerous. The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 23, says, at a place where she happened to put up for a night in that country, she heard some of the "town topers" disputing about the origin of the word Narraganset. "One said it was so named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious height and bigness, who quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she could not write it.' Another said it meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, and "as hot as could be imagined in the winter." 24 MASSASOIT. [Book II. This Squanto became afterwards an important personage in Indian politics, and some of his manœuvres remind us of some managing politicians of our own times. In 1622, he forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Massasoit, as will be found related in the life of Hobomok. On that occasion, Massasoit went himself to Plimouth, "being much offended and enraged against Tisquantum;" but the governor succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon after, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his being put to death; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get along without him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him. Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, accompanied by many others, who offered many beaver skins that Tisquantum might be given up to them. They demanded him in the name of Massasoit, as being one of his subjects, whom, (says Winslow,) by our first articles of peace, we could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not seize him without their consent. Massasoit had sent his own knife to be used in cutting off his head and hands, which were to be brought to him. Meantime Squanto came and delivered himself up to the governor, charging Hobomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the mes sengers of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It seems from the narrative that, as the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went off in a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the harbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had been a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Eence that Massasoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they complain, is certainly no wonder. The next summer, in June or July, Mussasoit was visited by several of the English, among whom was Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of residence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance; to keep good the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth; and especially to cause him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them, which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a present, a trooper's red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain; with these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not be imposed upon by strangers. When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, but was immediately sent for. Being informed that he was coming, the English began to prepare to shoot off their guns; this so frightened the women and children, that they ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them that they need not fear; and when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a discharge, at which he was very much elated; and "who, after their manner, (says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on his back, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired."* A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to the English. Among other things, he said, "Am I not Massasoit, commander of the country about us? Is not such and such places mine, and the people of them? They shall take their skins to the English." This his people applauded. In his speech, "he named at least thirty places," over which he had control. "This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife.” He seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished "us not to suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and he * Mourt's Relation, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. |