100 UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER. [BOOK II. therein, and incurr due punishment for the same." That if Uncas committed any other hostile acts, he must complain to them, &c.* Thus Wassamegin was as much threatened as Uncas. Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commissioners in September following; when, in due course, the business was called up, and acted upon as follows: "Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts against Vnkas, this following message was sent to him: "Vncas, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the generall court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosamequin and the Indians of Quabakutt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others; spoyling theire goods to the vallue of 33lb. as they allege." That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make remuneration, &c. And to all he had returned no answer; "which," continues the letter, "seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but wonder att it, and must beare witness against it.” He was, as before, required to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he neglected to do so, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right themselves. In the mean time, as we apprehend, a letter from Uncas was received, written by Captain Mason, which was as follows: "Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my last to Vncas, sachem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the complaint of Wesamequen, † a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said Vncas had offered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and taking others captiue; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daies before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captiues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by force of armes, which to him was uery grieuous: professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts; and further said that they were none of Wesamequen's men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne; one of the men then taken was his own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person; and yett sett him att libertie; and further saith that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe that Wesamequin['s] son and diuers of his men had fought against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the comissioners. "Allexander allis Wamsutta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth, hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him; and further said that hee did warr against Vncas this summer on that account. § Signed by JOHN MASON." *Here end our MSS. relating to this affair. By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons. There can scarce be a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph confirms it; hence Massasoit was alive in May, 1661, as we have before stated. And the above letter of Mason was probably written in September, or while the commissioners were in session. It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Roger Williams says, in 1668, "That all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Nanhigonset sachems, and, in a special manner, to Mejksah, the son of Caunounicus, and late husband to this old Squaw-Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of it," &c. MS. letter. See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii. At one time, Kutshamakin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a tool of by some of them, for some private end. But Mr. Pynchon said they would not own him as a sachem any longer than the sun shined upon him." Had they belonged to him, Massachusetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 1649, by reason of several murders among them. CHAP. VI.] UNCAS.-SASSACUS. 101 The particulars of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the presumption is, that Uncas complied with the reasonable requests of the English, and the old, peaceable Ousamequin, being unwilling to get into difficulty, put up with the result without avenging his wrongs. His son, Wamsutta, as will be seen, about this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer home, which probably prevented him from continuing the war against Uncas, had he been otherwise disposed. ◄000 CHAPTER VI. Of the Pequot nation-Geography of their country-SASSACUS, their first chief, known to the English-Tassaquanott-War-The cause of it-WEQUASH-Canonicus and Miantunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots-Sassamon-MONONOTTOOtash-CASSASSINNAMON. "But since I've mentioned Sassacus' great name, That day so much a terror where it came; Let me, in prosecution of my story, Say something of his pride and kingdom's glory."-WOLCOTT. It is said by Mr. Hubbard,* that the Pequots, † "being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors." The time of their emigration is unknown. They made all the other tribes "stand in awe, though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon them." + Their country, according to Mr. Gookin, § "the English of Connecticut jurisdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most part, possess." Their dominion, or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, "over divers petty sagamores; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, and over the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabitants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." The principal seat of the sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now called the Thames, where New London stands. “These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in former times, raise 4000 men fit for war." The first great chief of this nation, known to the English, was SASSACUS, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. From the fruitful letters of the Reverend Roger Williams, we learn that he had a brother by the name of Puppompoges, whose residence was at Monahiganick, probably Mohegan. Although Sassacus's principal residence was upon the Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 26 sachems, and his dominions were from Narraganset Bay to Hudson's River, in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island was also under him, and his authority was undisputed far into the country. A brother of Sassacus, named Tassaquanott, survived the Pequot war, and was one of those complained of by Uncas in 1647, for giving his countrymen "crooked counsell" about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be given to the English instead of him. It appears that on the death of a child of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,¶ which, when Tassaquanott knew, he disapproved of it, politicly urging, that if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it mattered not much about Uncas. * Narrative, i. 116. We believe this name meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pequots. Hist. New England, 33. See his Collections in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 147. Hazard, Hist. Col. ii. 90. Ibid. 102 SASSACUS. PEQUOT WARS. [Book II. We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at one time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated and settled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it should be understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were "thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connecticote, Quinnipiog, and SASSACUS." Connecticote was "emperor," or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their traditions. About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pequots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gave the following rude draft of their country: In the same letter, Mr. Williams urges the necessity of employing faithful guides for the English forces; "as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts; viz. Wequash, [whose name signified a swan,] and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass and passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." In 1634, as has been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading expedition in Connecticut River. Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone, the English demanded the murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Narragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the demand of the English; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, where they arrived 6 November, with offers of peace, which, after considerable deliberation on the part of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into on the 9th following. A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater quality, and then the English would treat with him. "He brought," says Winthrop, "two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wampompeage, (about two bushels, by his description.)" He had a small present with him, which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, "a moose coat of as good value." The treaty entered into on the 9 November, 1634, between the Pequots and English, stipulated that the murderers of Captain Stone should be given up to the English, of whom there were at that time left but two, as attested by the ambassadors of Sassacus, who further observed in explanation, that the sachem in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war with the Dutch, and that all the men concerned in it, except two, had also died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts given in concerning the death of Stone, inclined the English to believe the account altogether; and, but for what happened afterwards, it is probable that the historians of that * But with what truth I know not, for it rests upon the authority of Peters. + Connecticut. Probably Mononotto. Niantick. A name signifying an Owl's nest. Same letter. CHAP. VI.] SASSACUS-TREATY. 103 period would have relied more upon the Pequots' own account than the general rumor. Such are the events of time-a circumstance may change the fate, nay, the character of a nation, for a period, in the eyes of many generations! But "O Time! the beautifier of the dead! And only healer, when the heart hath bled! Time, the correcter where our judgments err." In the progress of the treaty, the Pequot ambassadors said, that if the two men then living who had been concerned in Stone's death, "were worthy of death, they would move their sachem to deliver them" to the English, but that as to themselves, they had no power to do so, and at once urged the justness of their act without qualification. Stone, they said, came into their river and seized upon two of their men, and bound them hand and foot, and, in that situation, obliged them to pilot him up the river. When he had gone up as far as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled Indians, went on shore. Meanwhile they had been watched by nine Indians, who, when they found the Englishmen asleep on the following night, fell upon them and massacred them. Considering the state of the Indians, no blame could be attached to them for this act; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an unknown people, who, from every appearance, were about to put them to death, and it was by an act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the hands of an invading foe. Therefore, being satisfied with the account, the English agreed to have peace with them, provided they would give up the two men when they should send for them; "to yeld up Connecticut;" to give 400 fathom of wampom, and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins; and that the English should immediately send a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them. The names of these ambassadors are not recorded; but one signed the treaty with the mark of a bow and arrow, and the other with that of a hand. The same day about 2 or 300 Narragansets were discovered at Neponset, who had marched out for the purpose of killing these ambassadors. This discovery being made before the treaty was concluded, the English met them at Roxbury, and there negotiated a treaty between the Pequots and them. For the furtherance of which, the Pequots instructed the English to present them with a portion of the wampom which they were to give to them; but not as coming from them, because they disdained to purchase peace of that nation. The Narragansets readily conceding to the wishes of the English, all parties retired satisfied. Distrust soon grew again into antipathy; it having been reported that Stone and those with him were treacherously surprised by the Pequots who had gone on board his vessel in a friendly manner to trade; and seeing Captain Stone asleep in his cabin, they killed him, and the other men one after the other, except Captain Norton, who, it seems, was with him; he being a resolute man, defended himself for some time in the cook-room, but at length, some powder, which for the more ready use he had placed in an open vessel, took fire and exploded, by which he was so seriously injured, especially in his eyes, that he could hold out no longer, and he was forthwith despatched by them. This matter at length having become fixed in the minds of the English according to the latter relation, they were the more ready to charge other circumstances of a like nature upon the Pequots. On the 20 July, 1636, as Mr. John Oldham was on his passage passing near Manisses, that is, Block Island, in a small pinnace, 14 Narraganset Indians attacked and killed him, and made his crew prisoners, which consisted only of two boys and two Narraganset ‣ Indians. The same day, as John Gallop was on his passage from Connecticut, in a bark of 20 tons, an adverse wind drove him near the same island. On seeing a vessel in possession of Indians, he bore down upon her, and immediately knew her to be Captain Oldham's. He hailed those on board, but received no answer, and soon saw a boat pass from the vessel to the shore full of men and goods. As Gallop neared the suspicious vessel, she slipped her fastening, and the wind being off the land drifted her towards Narragan 104 SEA-FIGHT.-JOHN GALLOP. [Book II. set. Notwithstanding some of the Indians were armed with guns and swords, Gallop, being in a stouter vessel, resolved on running them down; he therefore made all sail, and immediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the quarter with such force as nearly to overset her, and in their fright six Indians jumped overboard and were drowned. The rest standing upon the defensive, and being yet far superior in numbers to Gallop's crew, which consisted of two little boys and one man, to board them was thought too hazardous; Gallop therefore stood off to repeat his broadside method of attack. Meanwhile he contrived to lash his anchor to his bows in such a manner, that when he came down upon the Indians a second time, the force was sufficient to drive the fluke of the anchor through their quarter; which, holding there, both vessels floated along together. The Indians had now become so terrified, that they stood not to the fight, but kept in the hold of the pinnace. Gallop fired in upon them sundry times, but without much execution, and meantime the vessels got loose from one another, and Gallop stood off again for a third attack. As soon as he was clear of them, four more of the Indians jumped overboard, and were also drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaining Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound; another came up and submitted, whom they also bound, but fearing to have both on board, this last was cast into the sea. Two out of the 14 now remained, who had got possession of the hold of the pinnace, and there successfully defended themselves with their swords against their enemy. Captain Oldham was found dead in the vessel, concealed under an old seine, and as his body was not entirely cold, it was evident that he had been killed about the time his pinnace was discovered by Gallop. From the condition in which Olham's body was found, it was quite uncertain whether he had fallen in an affray, or been murdered deliberately; but it is very probable that the former was the fact, because it was uncommon for the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and Oldham's body was shockingly mangled. But Captain Oldham had been killed by the Indians, and the cry of vengeance was up, and cool investigation must not be looked for. The murder had been committed by the Indians of Manisses, but Manisses was under the Narragansets; therefore it was believed that the Narragansets had contrived his death because he was carrying into effect the articles of the late treaty between the Pequots and English. The two boys who were with Mr. Oldham were not injured, and were immediately given up and sent to Boston, where they arrived the 30th of the same month. As soon as Miantunnomoh heard of the affair of Captain Oldham, he ordered Ninigret to send for the boys and goods to Block Island. The boys he caused to be delivered to Mr. Williams, and the goods he held subject to the order of the English of Massachusetts. Meanwhile, 26 July, the two Indians who were in Mr. Oldham's pinnace when she was taken, were sent by Canonicus to Governor Vane. They brought a letter from Roger Williams, which gave an account of the whole affair, and some circumstances led the English to believe these messengers were accessory to the death of Oldham; but we know not if any thing further were ever done about it. The same letter informed the governor that Miantunnomoh had gone, with 200 men in 17 canoes, "to take revenge, &c." These events and transactions soon caused the convening of the governor and council of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians of Manisses. Accordingly 90 men were raised and put under the command of Captain John Endecott, who was general of the expedition. John Underhill and Nathaniel Turner were captains, and Jenyson and Davenport ensigns. Endecott's instructions were to put to death the men of Block Island, but to make captives of the women and children. This armament set forth in three pinnaces, with two Indians as guides, 25 September, 1636. On arriving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the armament seized a quantity of corn belonging to the Pequots, and were attacked and obliged to fly. However, the Narragansets reported that there were 13 Pequots killed during the expedition. The English were satisfied that they had harbored the murderers of Oldham, which occasioned their sailing to Pequot harbor. It being now late in the season, the expedition was given up, to be resumed early in the spring. |