were native citizens of the United States. Having effected her purpose, she returned to anchor with her squadron within our jurisdiction. Hospitality under such circumstances ceases to be a duty, and a continuance of it with such uncontrolled abuses would tend only, by multiplying injuries and irritations, to bring on a rupture between the two nations. This extreme resort is equally opposed to the interests of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on the part of the British Government, in the midst of which this outrage has been committed. In this light the subject can not but present itself to that government and strengthen the motives to an honorable reparation of the wrong which has been done, and to that effectual control of its naval commanders which alone can justify the Government of the United States in the exercise of those hospitalities it is now constrained to discontinue.

In consideration of these circumstances and of the right of every nation to regulate its own police, to provide for its peace and for the safety of its citizens, and consequently to refuse the admission of armed vessels into its harbors or waters, either in such numbers or of such descriptions as are inconsistent with these or with the maintenance of the authority of the laws, I have thought proper, in pursuance of the authorities specially given by law, to issue this my proc

lamation, hereby requiring all armed vessels bearing commissions under the Government of Great Britain now within the harbors or waters of the United States immediately and without any delay to depart from the same, and interdicting the entrance of all the said harbors and waters to the said armed vessels and to all others bearing commissions under the authority of the British Government.

And if the said vessels, or any of them, shall fail to depart as aforesaid, or if they or any others, so interdicted shall hereafter enter the harbors or waters aforesaid, I do in that case forbid all intercourse with them, or any of them, their officers or crews, and do prohibit all supplies and aid from being furnished to them, or any of them.

Richardson, Messages and Papers (Washington, 1899), I. 422-423.

TRADE (1807-1811)

A cruel test of the young Republic was the fury of the European war, and the aggressions on American trade during the second and final stage of Napoleon's grasp at Empire. To that subject and to the related subjects of war, peace, and preparation, most of the extracts in this chapter are devoted. The merchants and shippers protested with all their might against the hardships of neutral vessels, which were seized under paper blockades and subjected to unreasonable extension of contraband, to declaration of a paper blockade and other unlawful devices, especially the British Orders in Council and the French Decrees, which have been paralleled in our own times. Jefferson's policy of an embargo, which was practically a sort of boycott, broke down in 1809, and after that the United States had nothing but a makeshift and fluctuating system, which did much harm to American trade and little good. Among the strongest writers on various phases of this subject are John Quincy Adams, Jefferson, John Jay, and Henry Clay. John Randolph took what would now be called a pacifist ground; and Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts openly declared the right of his State to secede from the Union if Congress persisted in admitting Louisiana to the Union, and thus enlarge the power of the South and West. The shipping section in the North and the agricultural section in the South, could not come to an agreement; and the force and efficiency of the Government was accordingly weakened.

1. British Policy of Blocking
Neutral Trade (1808)

By JOHN QUINCY ADAMS

(See note above, p. 36.) A protest against infringements of neutral trade.

BETWEEN this unqualified submission, and offensive resistance against the war upon maritime neutrality waged by the concurring decrees of all the great belligerent powers, the embargo was adopted, and has been hitherto continued. So far was it from being dictated by France, that it was calculated to withdraw, and has withdrawn from within her reach all the means of compulsion which her subsequent decrees would have put in her possession. It has added to the motives. both of France and England, for preserving peace with us, and has diminished their inducements to war. It has lessened their capacities of inflicting injury upon us, and given us some preparation for resistance to them. It has taken from their violence the lure of interest. It has dashed the philter of pillage from the lips of rapine. That

it is distressing to ourselves-that it calls for the fortitude of a people, determined to maintain their rights, is not to be denied. But the only alternative was between that and war. Whether it will yet save us from that calamity, cannot be determined, but if not, it will prepare us for the further struggle to which we may be called. Its double tendency of promoting peace and preparing for war, in its operation upon both the belligerent rivals, is the great advantage, which more than outweighs all its evils.

If any statesman can point out another alternative, I am ready to hear him, and for any practicable expedient to lend him every possible assistance. But let not that expedient be, submission to trade under British licenses, and British taxation. We are told that even under these restrictions we may yet trade to the British dominions, to Africa and China, and with the colonies of France, Spain, and Holland. I ask not, how much of this trade would be left, when our intercourse with the whole continent of Europe being cut off would leave us no means of purchase, and no market for sale? I ask not, what trade we could enjoy with the colonies of nations with which we should be at war? I ask not, how long Britain would leave open to us avenues of trade, which even in these very orders of Council, she boasts of leaving open as a special

indulgence? If we yield the principle, we aban