are.

daughters who are married. "Does he reside always at the federal city?" Generally. "Are the publick buildings there commodious, those for the Congress and President especially?" They "You the Americans did brilliant things in your war with England, you will do the same again." We shall I am persuaded always behave well when it shall be our lot to be in war. "You may probably be in war with them again." I replied I did not know, that that was an important question to decide when there would be an occasion for it. . . .

The day before the Consul commenced his tour I received a note from the Minister of foreign affairs requesting me to meet him the next day at I oclock at St Cloud to be presented by him to the first Consul which was accordingly done. The audience was of some length.

I made a communication similar in substance to what I had already done to the Minister, to which I added that it was the wish of the President that I should assure him before my departure of his high respect & esteem for him personally & for the French Nation, and of his earnest desire to preserve peace & friendship with it. The first Consul reciprocated the sentiment toward the President and the U. S. in strong terms. He said that he considered the President as a virtuous and enlightened man, who under

stood and pursued the interest of his country, as a friend of liberty and equality: That no one wished more than himself the preservation of a good understanding between the two Republics : that he had been prompted to make the late Cession to the U. States not so much on account of the sum given for the territory as from views of policy that France had been their first friend and he wished to preserve that relation between the two countries for ever: he had perceived that we entertained a jealousy of their possession of Louisiana which was likely to drive us into measures & connexions that would prove not only hurtful to France, but as he presumed to ourselves also: He therefore wished to remove the cause by an act which would free us from all apprehension on that head and leave us at liberty to pursue our course according to our interest and inclination. I told him in reply that I had considered the cession of Louisiana as having been prompted by the motives which he stated, as being an act of great and enlightened policy rather than an affair of commerce, and was persuaded that our government would view it in the same light: that the cession would place us on the ground he mentioned of real independence: that we had however been willing to give what was deemed an equivalent for it. He observed that there was no rivalship between us, our relation to France being chiefly commercial; but that

we must be on our guard, not to give the protection of our flag to the British. . .

James Monroe, Writings (N. Y., 1900), IV. 15-49 passim.

8. Peace and Honor (1803)

By GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

Drafter of the Federal Constitution in its final form. THE subject is of great importance, as it relates to other countries, and still greater to our own; yet we must decide on grounds uncertain, because they depend on circumstances not yet arrived. And when we attempt to penetrate into futurity, after exerting the utmost powers of reason, aided by all the lights which experience could acquire, our clearest conceptions are involved in doubt. A thousand things may happen, which it is impossible to conjecture, and which will influence the course of events. The wise Governor of all things has hidden the future from the ken of our feeble understanding. In committing ourselves, therefore, to the examination of what may hereafter arrive, we hazard reputation on contingencies we cannot command. And when events shall be past, we shall be judged by them, and not by the reasons which we may now advance.

Mr President, my object is peace. Our hearts are not insensible to the woes of humanity. We can feel for the misery of plundered towns, the conflagration of defenceless villages, and the devastation of cultured fields. Turning from these features of general distress, we can enter the abodes of private affliction, and behold the widow weeping as she traces, in the pledges of connubial affection, the resemblance of him whom she has lost forever. We see the aged matron bending over the ashes of her son. He was her darling, for he was generous and brave, and, therefore, his spirit led him to the field in defence of his country. We can observe another oppressed with unutterable anguish. Condemned to conceal her affection, forced to hide that passion, which is at once the torment and delight of life, she learns that those eyes which beamed with sentiment are closed in death, and his lip, the ruby harbinger of joy, lies pale and cold, the miserable appendage of a mangled corse. Hard, hard indeed must be that heart, which can be insensible to scenes like these, and bold the man, who dares present the Almighty Father a conscience crimsoned with the blood of his children.

Yes, Sir, we wish for peace; but how is that blessing to be preserved? I shall repeat here a sentiment I have often had occasion to express. In my opinion, there is nothing worth fighting for but national honor; for in the national honor

is involved the national independence. I know that a State may find itself in such unpropitious circumstances, that prudence may force a wise government to conceal the sense of indignity. But the insult should be engraven on tablets of brass with a pencil of steel. And when that time and change, which happen to all, shall bring forward the favorable moment, then let the avenging arm strike home. It is by avowing and maintaining this stern principle of honor, that peace can be preserved. . . . On the throne of the Bourbons is now seated the first of the Gallic Cæsars. At the head of that gallant nation is the great, the greatest man of the present age. It becomes us well to consider his situation. The things he has achieved compel him to the achievement of things more great. In his vast career we must soon become objects to command attention. We too in our turn must contend or submit. By submission we may indeed have peace alike precarious and ignominious. But is this the peace, which we ought to seek? Will this satisfy the just expectation of our country? No. Let us have peace permanent, secure, and, if I may use the term, independent. Peace which depends not on the pity of others, but on our own force. Let us have the only peace worth having, a peace consistent with honor.

A gentleman near me (Mr Jackson) has told us the anecdote of an old courtier, who said that