by the people acting in their primary and individual capacity through their delegates thereto duly constituted; that the Government under the Constitution is one of the people, by the people, and for the people; that in its appropriate sphere the Government of this nation is sovereign and supreme; that in its nature it is permanent and indissoluble except by the act and consent of the whole people; that no State has the right or authority to judge of the constitutionality of the laws enacted by it, and to nullify or

resist the execution of the same; and that all overt acts by any State or the people thereof of secession therefrom, or of rebellion against the same, constitute treason; and that the late war of the rebellion for the dismemberment of the Union was causeless and indefensible on any theory of right or constitutional law.

The Speaker said: "The motion is to suspend the rules and adopt the resolution."

Mr. Cox, of New York, said: "I rise to a point of order. Would it be in order to read from the Constitution the following?"

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States. GEORGE WASHINGTON.

The Speaker: "It would not be." The question was taken, and resulted as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, John H. Baker, Ballou, Bass, Blaine, Bradley, William R. Brown, Horatio C. Burchard, Campbell, Cannon, Cason, Caswell, Chittenden, Conger, Danford, Davy, Denison, Dobbins, Dunnell, Durand, Eames, Evans, Farwell, Fort, Foster, Frost, Goodin, Andrew H. Hamilton, Hardenbergh, Benjamin W. Harris, Hathorn, Haymond, Hendee, Henderson, Hoar, Hoskins, Hubbell, Hunter, Hyman, Jenks, Joyce, Kasson, Kehr, Kelley, Lapham, Lawrence, Leavenworth, Lynch, Magoon, MacDougall, McCrary, McDill, Miller, Monroe, Nash, New, Norton, Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, Page, Phelps, William A. Phillips, Pierce, Plaisted, Platt, Potter, Powell, James B. Reilly, Robinson, Rusk, Sampson, Seelye, Sinnickson, Smalls, A. Herr Smith, Strait, Stevenson, Teese, Thornburgh, Washington Townsend, Tufts, Van Vorhes, John L. Vance, Alexander S. Wallace, John W. Wallace, White, Willard, Andrew Williams, Alpheus S. Williams, Charles G. Williams, William B. Williams, James Wilson, Alan Wood, Jr., Woodburn, and Woodworth-97.

NAYS-Messrs. Ashe, Atkins, Beebe, Blackburn, Bland, Blount, Boone, Bright, John Young Brown, Cabell, John H. Caldwell, William P. Caldwell, Candler, Cate, John B. Clarke of Kentucky, Cook, Cowan, Culberson, De Bolt, Dibrell, Douglas, Ellis, Faulkner, Felton, Forney, Franklin, Glover, Goode, Gunter, Hancock, Henry R. Harris, Hartridge, Goldsmith W. Hewitt, Hill, Hooker, House, Hunton, Hurd, Thomas L. Jones, Knott, Levy, Lewis, Lord, Mead, Milliken, Mutchler, Odell, Parsons, Payne, John F. Philips, Piper, Rea, Reagan, Rice, Riddle, John Robbins, William M. Robbins, Miles Ross, Scales, Sheakley, Singleton, William E. Smith, Stone, Terry, Throckmorton, Tucker, Robert B. Vance, Waddell, Charles C. B. Walker, Ward, James D. Williams, Jeremiah N. Williams, Willis, Yeates, and Young-75.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Adams, Bagby, George A. Bagley, John H. Bagley, Jr., William H. Baker, Banks, Banning, Barnum, Bell, Blair, Bliss, Bradford, Buckner, Samuel D. Burchard, Burleigh, Caulfield, Chapin, John B. Clark, Jr., of Missouri, Clymer, Cochrane, Collins, Cox, Crapo, Crounse, Cutler, Darrall, Davis, Durham, Eden, Egbert, Ely, Freeman, Frye, Fuller, Garfield, Gause, Gibson, Hale, Robert Hamilton, Haralson, John T. Harris, Harrison, Hartzell, Hatcher, Hays, Henkle, Hereford, Abram S. Hewitt, Hoge, Holman, Hopkins, Hurlbut,

Frank Jones, Ketchum, Kimball, King, Lamar, Franklin Landers, George M. Landers, Lane, Luttrell, Lynde, Edmund W. M. Mackey, L. A. Mackey, Maish, McFarland, McMahon, Metcalfe, Mills, Money, Morey, Morgan, Morrison, Neal, O'Brien, Poppleton, Pratt, Purman, Rainey, Randall, John Reilly, Roberts, Sobieski Ross, Savage, Sayler, Schleicher, Schumaker, Slemens, Southard, Sparks, Springer, Stenger, Stowell, Swann, Tarbox, Thompson, Thomas, Martin I. Townsend, Turney, Waldron, Gilbert C. Walker, Walling, Walls, Walsh, Warren, Erastus Wells, G. Wiley Wells, Wheeler, Whitehouse, Whiting, Whitthorne, Wigginton, Wike, James Williams, Wilshire, Benjamin, Wilson, and Fernando Wood-117.

So (two-thirds not voting in favor thereof) the resolution was not adopted.

In the House, on March 13th, Mr. Cox, of New York, said: "I move to suspend the rules and adopt the following resolutions."

The Clerk read as follows:

Resolved, That the people of the United States constitute a nation in the sense, to the extent, and fer the purposes defined in the Federal Constitution.

Resolved, That the Government of the United States is a Federal Union, and was formed by the people of the several States in their sovereign capacity; that the rights and powers of the United States Government are defined and limited by the Federal Constitution, and these rights and powers cannot be enlarged or diminished except by an amendment to the Constitution.

Resolved, That the rights of the States have the same sanction and security in the Constitution as the rights and powers of the Federal Government, and that local domestic government by the several States within the limits of the Constitution is absolutely necessary for the preservation of the liberties of the citizen and the continuance of our republican system of government.

Resolved, That the doctrine that a State has a right to secede from the Union is in conflict with the idea of a "perpetual union" as contemplated by the Constitution, and should be regarded as being forever extinguished by the results of the recent civil conflict.

The Speaker: "Those in favor of the motion to suspend the rules will vote‘Ay,' and those opposed 'No.'"

decided in the affirmative, as follows: The question was then taken; and it was

YEAS-Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, Ashe, Atkins, John H. Bagley, Jr., Banning, Bass, Beebe, Blackburn, Bland, Blount, Boone, Bright, John Young Brown, Buckner, Cabell, John H. Caldwell, William P. Caldwell, Campbell, Cannon, Cason, Cate, Caulfield, John B. Clarke of Kentucky, John B. Clark, Jr., of Missouri, Clymer, Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, Cox, Cutler, Davy, De Bolt, Dibrell, Douglas, Durand, Eden, Ellis, Faulkner, Felton, Forney, Fort, Franklin, Fuller, Glover, Goode, Goodin, Andrew II. Hamilton, Robert Hamilton, Hancock, Hardenbergh, Benjamin W. Harris, Henry R. Harris, Hartridge, Hartzell, Hendee, Henkle, Goldsmith W. Hewitt, Hill, Holman, Hooker, Hopkins, House, Hunton, Hurd, Jenks, Thomas L. Jones, Kehr, Kelley, Knott, Franklin Landers, George M. Landers, Leavenworth, Levy, Lewis, Lord, Luttrell, Lynde, L. A. Mackey, Maish, MeDill, McFarland, Meade, Milliken, Morgan, Morrison, Neal, New, O'Brien, Odell, Parsons, Payne, Phelps, John F. Philips, William A. Phillips, Pierce, Piper, Popple ton, Potter, Randall, Rea, Reagan, John Reilly, James B Reilly, Rice, Riddle, John Robbins, Wil liam M. Robbins, Roberts, Miles Ross, Sampson,

Savage, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Sheakley, Singleton, William E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Strait, Stenger, Stevenson, Stone, Teese, Terry, Thompson, Throckmorton, Washington Townsend, Tucker Tufts, Turney, John L. Vance, Robert B. Vance, Waddell, Charles C. B. Walker, Walling, Walsh, Ward, Warren, Wike, Willard, Alpheus S. Williams, James D. Williams, Jeremiah N. Williams, Willis, James Wilson, Woodburn, Yeates, and Young--150.

NAYS-Messrs. John H. Baker, Blaine, Bradley, Horatio C. Burchard, Conger, Dennison, Dunnell, Egbert, Evans, Farwell, Foster, Hoar, Hubbell, Hymin, Lapham, Lawrence, Lynch, Magoon, MacDougal, McCrary, Monroe, Nash, Norton, Oliver, Packer, Page, Plaisted, Platt, Purman, Robinson, Rusk, Seelye, Sinnickson, Smalls, Thornburgh, Van Vorhes, Alexander S. Wallace, John W. Wallace, White, Andrew Williams, Alan Wood, Jr., and Woodworth-42.

Nor VOTING--Messrs. Adams, Bagby, George A. Bagley, William H. Baker, Ballou, Banks, Barnum, Bell, Blair, Bliss, Bradford, William R. Brown, Samuel D. Burchard, Burleigh, Candler, Caswell, Chapin, Chittenden, Collins, Crapo, Crounse, Culberson, Danford, Darrall, Davis, Dobbins, Durham, Eames, Ely, Freeman, Frost, Frye, Garfield, Gause, Gibson, Gunter, Hale, Haralson, John T. Harris, Harrison, Hatcher, Hathorn, Haymond, Hays, Henderson, Hereford, Abram R. Hewitt, Hoge, Hoskins, Hunter, Hurlbut, Frank Jones, Joyce, Kasson, Ketchum, Kimball, King, Lamar, Lane, Edmund W. M. Mackey, McMabon, Metcalfe, Miller, Mills, Money, Morey, Mutchler, O'Neill, Powell, Pratt, Rainey, Sobieski Ross, Schumaker, Slemons, A. Herr Smith, Springer, Stowell, Swann, Tarbox, Thomas, Martin I. Townsend, Waldron, Gilbert C. Walker, Walls, Erastus Wells, G. Wiley Wells, Wheeler, Whitehouse, Whiting, Whitthorne, Wigginton, Charles G. Williams, James Williams, William B. Williams, Wilshire, Benjamin Wilson, and Fernando Wood-97.

So the resolutions were adopted on a suspension of the rules (two-thirds having voted in favor thereof).

In the House, on April 3d, Mr. Blackburn, of Kentucky, moved that the rules be suspended, so that the following resolution might be adopted by the House:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to inform this House, if, in his opinion, it is not incompatible with the public interest, whether, since the 4th day of March, 1869, any executive offices, acts, or duties, and, if any, what. have been performed at a distance from the seat of Government established by law, and for how long a period at any one time, and in what part of the United States; also, whether any public necessity existed for such performance, and, if so, of what character, and how far the performance of such executive offices, acts, or duties, at such distance from the seat of Government established by law, was in empliance with the act of Congress of the 16th day of July, 1790.

The rules were suspended (two-thirds voting in favor thereof), and the resolution was adopted.

On May 4th President Grant sent the following message to the House in reply to the

resolution:

To the House of Representatives:

I have given very attentive consideration to a resolution of the House of Representatives, passed on the 3d day of April, requesting the President of the United States to inform the House whether any executive offices, acts, or duties, and, if any, what, have within a specified period been performed at a

distance from the seat of Government established by law, etc.

I have never hesitated, and shall not hesitate, to communicate to Congress, and to either branch thereof, all the information which the Constitution makes it the duty of the President to give, or which my judgment may suggest to me, or a request from either House may indicate to me, will be useful in the discharge of the appropriate duties confided to them. I fail, however, to find in the Constitution of the United States the authority given to the House of Representatives (one branch of the Congress in which is vested the legislative power of the Government) to require of the Executive, an independent branch of the Government-coordinate with the Senate and House of Representatives--an account of his discharge of his appropriate and purely executive offices, acts, and duties, either as to when, where, or how performed.

What the House of Representatives may require as a right in its demand upon the Executive for information is limited to what is necessary for the proper discharge of its powers of legislation or of impeachment.

The inquiry in the resolution of the House as to where executive acts have within the last seven years been performed, and at what distance from any particular spot, or for how long a period at any one time, etc., does not necessarily belong to the province of legislation. It does not profess to be asked for that object.

If this information be sought through an inquiry of the President as to his executive acts in view or in aid of the power of impeachment vested in the House, it is asked in derogation of an inherent natural right, recognized in this country by a constitutional guarantee which protects every citizen, the President as well as the humblest in the land, from being made a witness against himself.

During the time that I have had the honor to ment, it has been, and, while I continue to occupy occupy the position of President of this Governthat position, it will continue to be, my earnest endeavor to recognize and to respect the several trusts and duties and powers of the coordinate branches of the Government, not encroaching upon them, nor allowing encroachments upon the proper powers of the office which the people of the United States have confided to me, but aiming to preserve in their proper relations the several powers and functions of each of the coördinate branches of the Government, agreeably to the Constitution, and in accordance with the solemn oath which I have taken to 66 preserve, protect, and defend" that instrument.

In maintenance of the rights secured by the Constitution to the executive branch of the Government, I am compelled to decline any specific or detailed answer to the request of the House for information as to "any executive offices, acts, or duties, and, if any, what, have been performed at a distance from the seat of Government established by law, and for how long a period at any one time, and in what part of the United States."

If, however, the House of Representatives desires to know whether, during the period of upward of President of the United States, I have been absent seven years during which I have held the office of from the seat of Government, and whether during that period I have performed, or have neglected to perform, the duties of my office, I freely inform the House that from the time of my entrance upon my office I have been in the habit, as were all of my predecessors (with the exception of one who lived only one month after assuming the duties of his office, and one whose continued presence in Washington was necessary from the existence at the time of a powerful rebellion), of absenting myself at times from the seat of Government; and that during such absences I did not neglect or forego the obligations or the duties of my office, but continued to

discharge all of the executive offices, acts, and duties which were required of me as the President of the United States. I am not aware that a failure occurred, in any one instance, of my exercising the functions and powers of my office in every case requiring their discharge, or of my exercising all necessary executive acts, in whatever part of the United States I may at the time have been. Fortunately, the rapidity of travel and of mail communi-* cation, and the facility of almost instantaneous correspondence with the offices at the seat of Government which the telegraph affords to the President, in whatever section of the Union he may be, enable him in these days to maintain as constant and almost as quick intercourse with the departments at Washington as may be maintained while he remains in the capital.

The necessity of the performance of executive acts by the President of the United States exists and is devolved upon him, wherever he may be within the United States during his term of office, by the Constitution of the United States.

is

to have been thus absent at least one hundred and eighty-one days during his term.

During his several absences he discharged official and executive duties, among them:

In March, 1791, he issued a proclamation, dated at Georgetown, in reference to running the boundary for the territory of the permanent seat of the Gov ernment.

From Mount Vernon he signed an official letter to the Emperor of Morocco, and from the same place the commission of Oliver Wolcott as Controller of the Treasury, and the proclamation respecting the Whiskey Insurrection in Pennsylvania; also, various sea-letters, the proclamation of the Treaty of 1795 between the United States and Spain, the executive order of August 4, 1792, relative to the duties on distilled spirits, etc.

When at Germantown, he signed the commission of John Brackenridge as attorney of the United States for Kentucky, and that of engineer of the United States Mint.

He proposed to have Mr. Trujo officially presented, as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from Spain, to him at Mount Vernon; but, although Mr. Trujo went there for the purpose, the ceremony of presentation was prevented by Mr. Trujo having accidentally left his credentials.

PRESIDENT JOHN ADAMS

No act of Congress can limit, suspend, or confine this constitutional duty. I am not aware of the existence of any act of Congress which assumes thus to limit or restrict the exercise of the functions of

the Executive. Were there such acts, I should nevertheless recognize the superior authority of the Constitution, and should exercise the powers required thereby of the President.

The act to which reference is made in the resolution of the House relates to the establishing of the seat of Government, and the providing of suitable buildings and removal thereto of the offices attached

to the Government, etc. It was not understood at its date, and by General Washington, to confine the President in the discharge of his duties and powers to actual presence at the seat of Government. On the 30th of March, 1791, shortly after the passage of the act referred to, General Washington issued an executive proclamation, having reference to the subject of this very act, from Georgetown, a place remote from Philadelphia, which then was the seat of Government, where the act referred to directed that "all offices attached to the seat of Government" should for the time remain.

That none of his successors have entertained the idea that their executive offices could be performed only at the seat of Government is evidenced by the hundreds upon hundreds of such acts performed by my predecessors, in unbroken line from Washington to Lincoln, a memorandum of the general nature and character of some of which acts is submitted herewith; and no question has ever been raised as to the validity of these acts, or as to the right and propriety of the Executive to exercise the powers of his office in any part of the United States.

U. S. GRANT.

WASHINGTON, May 4, 1876. Memorandum of absences of the Presidents of the United States from the national capital during each of the several administrations, and of public and executive acts performed during the time of

such absences.

He discharged official duties and performed the most solemn public acts at Quincy, in the same manner as when at the seat of Government.

In 1797 (August 25th) he forwarded to the Secretary of State a number of passports which he had signed at Quincy.

He issued at Quincy commissions to numerous officers of various grades, civil and military.

On the 28th of September, 1797, he forwarded to the Secretary of State a commission for a justice of the Supreme Court, signed in blank at Quincy, instructing the Secretary to fill it with the name of John Marshall if he would accept, and if not, Bushrod Washingten. He issued a proclamation opening trade with certain ports of Saint Domingo, and signed warrants for the execution of two soldiers, and for a pardon.

PRESIDENT JEFFERSON

was absent from the seat of Government, during his two terms of office, seven hundred and ninety-six days, more than one-fourth of the whole official period.

During his absence he signed and issued from Monticello seventy-five commissions, one letter to the Emperor of Russia, and nine letters of crederee to diplomatic agents of the United States, accredited to other governments.

PRESIDENT MADISON

was absent from the seat of Government, during his two presidential terms, six hundred and thirty-seven days.

He signed and issued from Montpelier, during his absence from the capital, seventy-one commissions, one proclamation, and nine letters of credence to ministers, accrediting them to foreign governments, and, as it appears, transacted generally all the neces sary routine business incident to the executive office.

PRESIDENT MONROE

was absent from the capital, during his presidential service of eight years, seven hundred and eight days, independent of the year 1824, and the two months of 1825, for which period no data are found.

PRESIDENT WASHINGTON

these several places, away from the capital, numerous commissions to civil officers of the Government, exequaturs to foreign consuls, letters of credence, two letters to sovereigns, and thirty-seven pardons."

PRESIDENT JOHN Q. ADAMS

was absent from the capital, during his presidential term of four years, two hundred and twenty-two days. During such absence he performed official and public acts, signing and issuing commissions, exequaturs, pardons, proclamations, etc.

Referring to his absence in August and September, 1927, Mr. Adams, in his "Memoirs," vol. viii., p. 75, says: "I left with him (the chief clerk) some blank signatures to be used when necessary for proclamations, remission of penalties, and commissions of consuls, taking of him a receipt for the number and kind of blanks left with him, with directions to return me, when I came back, all the signed blanks remaining unused, and to keep and give me an account of all those that shall have been disposed of. This has been my constant practice with respect to signed blanks of this description. I do the same with regard to patents and land-grants."

PRESIDENT JACKSON

was absent from the capital, during his presidential service of eight years, five hundred and two days. He also performed executive duties and public acts while absent.

He appears to have signed and issued, while absent from the capital, very many public papers, embracing commissions, letters of credence, exequaturs, pardons, and among them four executive proclama

tions.

On the 26th of June, 1833, he addressed a letter from Boston to Mr. Duane, Secretary of the Treasury, giving his views at large on the removal of the "deposits" from the United States Bank and placing them in the State banks, directing that the change with all its arrangements should be, if possible, completed by the 15th September following, and recommending that Amos Kendall should be appointed an agent of the Treasury Department to make the necessary arrangements with the State banks. Soon after, September 23d, a paper signed by the President, and purporting to have been read to the cabinet, was published in the newspapers of the day. Early in the next session of Congress a resolution passed the Senate, inquiring of the President whether the paper was genuine or not, and if it was published by his authority, and requesting that a copy be laid before that body.

The President replied, avowing the genuineness of the paper, and that it was published by his authority; but declined to furnish a copy to the Senare on the ground that it was purely executive business, and that the request of the Senate was an undue interference with the independence of the Executive, a coordinate branch of the Government.

In January, 1837 (26th), he refused the privilege to a committee, under a résolution of the House of Representatives, to make a general investigation of the Executive Departments without specific charges, on the ground, among others, that the use of the books, papers, etc., of the departments for such purpose would interfere with the discharge of pubic duties devolving upon the heads of the different departments, and necessarily disarrange and retard the public business.

PRESIDENT VAN BUREN

was absent from the capital, during his presidential term, one hundred and thirty-one days.

He discharged executive duties and performed official and public acts during these absences.

Among the papers signed by President Van Buren, during his absence from the seat of Government, are commissions, one of these being for a United States judge of a district court, pardons, etc.

PRESIDENT TYLER

was absent from the capital, during his presidential term, one hundred and sixty-three days, and performed public acts and duties during such absences, signing public papers and documents to the number sions, exequaturs, letters of credence, pardons, and of twenty-eight, in which were included commisbetween the United States and Ecuador. one proclamation making public the Treaty of 1842

PRESIDENT POLK

was absent from the capital, during his presidential term, thirty-seven days, and appears to have signed but two official public papers during such absence.

PRESIDENT TAYLOR

was absent from the capital, during the time he served as President, thirty-one days, and while absent signed two commissions, three "full powers," two exequaturs, and the proclamation of August 11, 1849, relative to a threatened invasion of Cuba, or some of the provinces of Mexico.

PRESIDENT FILLMORE

was absent from the capital, during the time he served as President, sixty days. During such absence he signed pardons, commissions, exequaturs,

etc.

PRESIDENT PIERCE

was absent from the capital in all, during his presidential term, fifty-seven days. The several periods of absence which make up this aggregate were each brief, and it does not appear that during these absences the President signed any public official documents, except one pardon.

PRESIDENT BUCHANAN

term, fifty-seven days, and the official papers which was absent from the capital, during his presidential he is shown to have signed during such absence are three exequaturs and one letter of credence.

In addition to the public documents and papers executed by the several Presidents during their absences from the seat of Government, constant official correspondence was maintained by each with the heads of the different Executive Departments.

Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania, said: “As the question involved in the original resolution and in the communication just read would seem to be a judicial one, as to the power of the President to shift for prolonged periods the place where he administers the Government, I move the message and accompanying document be referred to the Judiciary Committee and ordered to be printed; and on that motion I demand the previous question."

The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered; and the motion was agreed to.

In the Senate, on March 14th, Mr. Wright, of Iowa, said: "I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Senate bill fixing the salary of the President of the United States."

The motion was agreed to; and the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the bill. It provides that from and after the 4th of March, 1877, the salary of the President of the United States shall be $25,000 per annum.

The bill was reported to the Senate without

amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and read the third time.

The President pro tempore: "The question is, 'Shall the bill pass?' on which the yeas and nays are demanded."

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll, which resulted as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Bogy, Christiancy, Clayton, Cockrell, Conkling, Dawes, Ferry, Goldthwaite, Hamilton, Harvey, Hitchcock, Kernan, Key, Logan, McCreery, McDonald, Maxey, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Patterson, Stevenson, Thurman, Wallace, Whyte, and Wright-26.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Boutwell, Cooper, Davis, Dorsey, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Howe, Ingalls, Jones of Florida, Jones of Nevada, McMillan, Mitchell, Paddock, Robertson, Sargent, Sharon, Spencer, Windom, and Withers-20.

ABSENT-Messrs. Alcorn, Anthony, Booth, Bruce, Burnside, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cameron of Wisconsin, Caperton, Conover, Cragin, Dennis, Eaton, Edmunds, English, Gordon, Johnston, Kelly, Merrimon, Morrill of Maine, Norwood, Oglesby, Randolph, Ransom, Saulsbury, Sherman, Wadleigh,

and West--27.

So the bill was passed.

On April 6th the bill was passed by the House.

On April 19th President Grant returned the bill, with his objections, as follows:

To the Senate of the United States:

Herewith I return Senate bill entitled "An act

fixing the salary of the President of the United States," without my approval.

am constrained to this course from a sense of duty to my successors in office, to myself, and to what is due to the dignity of the position of Chief Magistrate of a nation of more than 40,000,000 people.

When the salary of the President of the United States, pursuant to the Constitution, was fixed at $25,000 per annum, we were a nation of but 3,000,000 people, poor from a long and exhaustive war, without commerce or manufactures, with but few wants, and those cheaply supplied. The salary must then have been deemed small for the responsibilities and dignity of the position, but justifiably so from the impoverished condition of the Treasury and the simplicity it was desired to cultivate in the republic.

The salary of Congressmen, under the Constitution, was first fixed at 86 per day for the time actually in session-an average of about 120 days to each session-or $720 per year, or less than one-thirtieth of the salary of the President.

Congress have legislated upon their own salaries from time to time since, until finally it reached $5,000 per annum, or one-fifth that of the President before the salary of the latter was increased.

No one having a knowledge of the cost of living at the national capital will contend that the present salary of Congressmen is too high, unless it is the intention to make the office one entirely of honor, when the salary should be abolished-a proposition repugnant to our republican ideas and institutions.

I do not believe the citizens of this republic desire their public servants to serve them without a fair compensation for their services. Twenty-five thousand dollars does not defray the expenses of the Executive for one year, or has not in my experience. It is not now one-fifth in value what it was at the time of the adoption of the Constitution in supplying demands and wants.

Having no personal interest in this matter, I have felt myself free to return this bill to the House in

which it originated, with my objections, believing that in doing so I meet the wishes and judgment of the salaries and other expenses of Government. the great majority of those who indirectly pay all U. S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 18, 1876.

In the House, on August 4th, Mr. Lord, of New York, said: "I hold in my hand a report from the Committee on the Judiciary upon the House resolution, which is known as the Blaine amendment to the Constitution. I had been directed by the committee to make this report, and intended to do so early in the day, but was prevented. I now present the report."

been entered to reconsider the vote by which The Speaker pro tempore: "If a motion has the joint resolution was referred, then the gentleman should ask to take up that motion." Mr. Lord: "I will put it in that form."

The Speaker pro tempore: "The gentleman from New York calls up at this time the motion to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution which will be read was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary."

The Clerk read as follows:

port that they have had under consideration House The Committee on the Judiciary respectfully reresolution No. 1, and have amended the same by adding thereto that the article should not vest, enlarge, or diminish legislative power in the Congress. Thus amended the resolution was unanimously adopted. While there may be a difference of opinion as to the necessity of such a constitutional amendment, all agree that the underlying principles are right and in accordance with the spirit of the

age.

"The Clerk will

The Speaker pro tempore: now report the joint resolution." The Clerk read as follows:

JOINT RESOLUTION PROPOSING AN AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

of the United States of America in Congress assembled Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives the following be proposed to the several States of (two-thirds of each House concurring therein, That the Union as an amendment to the Constitution, namely:

ARTICLE XVI.-No State shall make any law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; and no money raised by taxation in any State for the support of public schools, or derived from any public fund therefor, nor any public lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious sect; nor shall any money so raised or lands so devoted be divided between religious sects or denominations.

The Speaker pro tempore: "The amendments proposed by the committee will now be read."

The Clerk read as follows:

In line 12, after the word "sect," insert the words แ or denomination."

At the end of the article add the following: "This tive power in the Congress." article shall not vest, enlarge, or diminish legisla

Mr. Lord: "I move the previous question." The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered; and under the opera