that no person who has held or who may hereafter hold the office shall ever again be eligible for that office, believing that there never will be a time when suitable candidates cannot be found who will be more than willing to take the office upon those conditions. Whether I shall add anything more upon this question will depend upon what may be said by other gentlemen during the discussion. I now yield to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. New)." Mr. New, of Indiana, said: "I call for the reading of the joint resolution, introduced by myself, for information."

The resolution was read as follows:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein), That the following article be proposed to the Legis latures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as a part of the Constitution, namely:

ARTICLE XVI. From and after the next election for the President of the United States the President shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same term, be elected in the manner now provided by law, or as may hereafter be provided. But neither the President, the Vice-President, nor any other person in the office of President, as devolved upon him by law, shall be eligible to the office of Presi

dent a third time.

Mr. New: "Mr. Speaker, it will be observed that the joint resolution just read leaves the matter of the presidential term where it is, except that a third term by the same President is prohibited.

"I shall not occupy much time. I cannot hope to present anything new, or which would not upon reflection occur to the minds of other members. The reasons which I shall assign in opposition to a one-term limitation, and in favor of eligibility to a second term with ineligibility to a third, will perhaps be familiar to all the members of this body. For the most part my arguments will be such as I have gleaned from reading the past history of this question and the history of the country.

"We cannot over-estimate the importance of the subject. We cannot fail to appreciate the disagreeable attitude in which we place ourselves, as also the possible serious consequences to the future of the country, if our action here should lead to a change in the Constitution, and that change should turn out to be a mistake. For one, sir, I admit now at the very threshold of my remarks that I am not fully convinced that the public safety requires any alteration in the Constitution relating to the Executive term. But if any step is to be taken in that direction, then, sir, in my judgment the modification proposed in my proposition is the one and only one that should be made.

"In the convention which framed the Constitution there was a marked difference of opinion among the delegates as to what should be the length of the President's term of office,

as also the manner of his election and the powers with which he should be invested.

"It has been said by a distinguished American patriot that there is no nation which has not at some period or other in its history felt an absolute necessity of the services of particular men in particular stations as vital even to the preservation of its political existence. Thus we have Madison entering upon his second term while the War of 1812 was in progress. Jackson had been voted for and elected the second time when, in December, 1832, it became necessary to promptly rebuke and put down nullification. The salutary effect will not soon be forgotten of the proclamation which he issued at that time, containing an exposition of the principles and powers of the General Government, and expressing a determination to maintain the laws.

"General Grant is now serving his second term. It is probably too soon to impartially judge of his first, while, as for the second, it is not yet concluded. Some of us, doubtless in some degree affected by party bias and political prejudice, think his executive services to the country not of extraordinary merit; but whether it would have been better or had secured the prize we can never know. worse for the people if some other aspirant The fair thing probably in this regard would be to give all aspirants who failed to obtain the place the benefit of the doubt.

"I maintain that no argument unfavorable to the second election of the same President can fairly be drawn from the past history of the country taken as a whole.

"Would it be wise to limit the Executive to a single term in the future? I answer that it would not. If confined to one term, he would, in my opinion, be more inclined to overlook and disregard the public good where his own personal interest or ambition was in the way. If eligible to reëlection there would be greater disposition and inducement to keep within the lines marked out for him by the Constitution, and make his administration efficient and just, for to do this would be to give himself character with his countrymen, and thus prepare the way for reelection. would be more attentive to learn the will and the wants of the people. He would give less heed to the counsels of bad men and court the advice and good-will of those in whom the people have confidence, and who by their public services and high character give tone to public opinion."

He

Mr. Frye, of Maine, said: "Now, sir, the majority resolution is that no person who has held or may hereafter hold the office of President of the United States shall ever again be eligible to the office.

"Now there seem to me, Mr. Speaker, two or three well-founded objections to the majority resolution. And, first, the term of office is too short. Why, sir, there are no men in the country who understand better than mem

bers of Congress of how great importance experience is in this matter of office for the better performance of its duties. When I came here to the Congress of the United States, for the first two years I found myself a complete, ignoble, unworthy cipher, and in my modesty and humility again and again in the thoughts by day and in the dreams by night I determined to resign the position and get out of a place where I was so utterly useless. I suppose that there is not a modest or sensitive man in the House who has not again and again experienced the same feelings. There are a dozen men of experience in this House, having been here term after term, holding commanding positions and swaying the legislation of the House hither and thither just as they please. Whence comes that power? From preeminent ability? From superior intellect? From excellence in learning? No, sir. From experience in the performance of the duties devolving upon members of Congress. They in everything else have their peers in hundreds of men on this floor who are here to-day for the first term. And, sir, it seems to me that the same rule holds good in the office of President of the United States. If he is fit to be elected to the position he will be a better man the second term than in the first. He will perform his duties more wisely during the second term than the first. I submit therefore to the House that when you limit the presidential term to four years you are forcing upon the country a loss of valuable experience which it might otherwise enjoy, in my opinion, without any prayer from the people, even against their wishes.

"I, sir, do not believe for one that they have ever asked any such proposition as this. I never have seen it in any press representing the people and their voice. I submit if they have desired any change in the term at all it has been in favor of one of six years, not one limited to four, and that no man shall be eligible to a second term.

"Again, sir, there is a serious objection to it. It provides that no person who has held the office of President shall be eligible to a reelection. Then, sir, suppose a Vice-President who by the death of the President has held that position for two hours' time or two days' time, he will be forever ineligible as President of the United States. Sir, it seems to me that proper consideration has not been given to that, for there is no reason why a Vice-President accidentally taking office for a few days or a few weeks shall be made ineligible to the office of President of the United States. In those days or those weeks he cannot by any possibility have gained that control of the patronage of the country which will endanger the liberties of the people or improperly secure his election. He may be the man of all others we desire for that high office, and yet we cannot be gratified.

“Again, sir, I submit that this amendment

never can be adopted by three fourths of the States of this Union. And why? Suppose the Democratic party-a forced hypothesis, I admit-come into power and elect its President in the next election. It has been out of power for fifteen years. It went out of power when the patronage of the Government was comparatively small; it will come back again into power when the patronage of that Government is immense so immense that to-day it has frightened the people, if they have sought it, into seeking an amendment of the Constitution so that that patronage shall not be used. Now, sir, I submit to my Democratic friends, if they elect the next President of the United States and he has that patronage in his hands, is there a hod-carrier in the remotest town of all our borders who will not be instructed by their party, then in power, to vote at the polls against this amendment to the Constitution? You know this will be so; it is absurd were we to ask the question. Will they not say: 'We are in power; we have the patronage now and can retain power by its use and reëlect the President of the United States.' Shall not we, as Republicans, if we prevail, instruct our men to vote against the adoption of that amendment? Certainly we would do it, and under no such circumstances would three-fourths of the States be induced to adopt it, and it would thus become mere child's play.

"The minority of the committee submit a different proposition, one for a six-year term; and I have given my reasons why I prefer that. It provides, somewhat curiously, perhaps, to those who have not reflected upon the subject, that, if adopted, the amendment shall not take effect until the year 1885. Why 1885? Because when we propose a resolution to the House we propose it seriously, thinking that the people need it and that they may adopt it. Now suppose that we had said that from and after the next election this amendment should go into effect, what would be the result? The very first question, a very serious one, presented would be this: Would it affect the term of office of the next President? If it does, then, being adopted six months or a year after the election of the next President, it would make a six-year President out of one elected for four years.

"Now, suppose that the Democrats should elect their candidate for President at the next election. Is it possible that the Republican voters of the country will vote for the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution which will give that Democratic President two years longer of office than he was entitled to on the day he was elected? Of course not: and every Republican in the country will vote against the adoption of such an amendment as that.

"Suppose, then, you put it off until 1881, as has been proposed. Then you are in this condition: Suppose that next year we elect our candidate for President. The amendment

as adopted will take effect in 1881, making the term of office six years and the President ineligible for reelection. Having elected our President, how natural is it for us to say: 'Our President is a good man, and every President hitherto elected has had an opportunity for reëlection; ours only of the men elected to the office is limited to this one term of four years; the next one to be elected and all thereafter will have six years of office!' That will be an invidious distinction against the President of the party in power, and every member of that party will vote against the adoption of such an amendment, and you cannot get three-fourths of the States to adopt it, and the amendment will fall through.

"Now put off the operation of the amendment if adopted until 1885, and you will have removed it from all these difficulties which otherwise beset it. You have made it certain that if it commends itself to the people it will be adopted by them. No party, as such, would necessarily be arrayed against it.

Now, while I have reported this amendment in behalf of the minority of the committee, I am free to confess that I do not see any necessity for it."

Mr. Reagan, of Texas, said: "I now offer the following amendment as a substitute both for the original report of the committee and the pending amendment:

That no person who has held or may hereafter hold the office of President shall ever hereafter be eligible to said office.

That the term of office of President and Vice-President of the United States shall be six years.

"Mr. Speaker, I desire to say a few words only. I have not participated in this debate, and I shall not now participate in the discussion of the general question. I am not satisfied with the amendment to the Constitution proposed by the majority of the Committee on the Judiciary, nor do I feel satisfied with the amendment offered by the minority. I therefore offer this amendment, which will take effect from its adoption, if it shall be adopted. I desire to see the presidential term made for six years and for a single term."

The question was taken; and there wereyeas 71, nays 184, not voting 35.

So Mr. Reagan's substitute was rejected. The question recurred on the following amendment of Mr. Frye:

Srike out "no person who has held or may hereafter hold the office of President shall ever again be eligible to said office," and insert in lieu thereof the following:

From and after the 4th day of March, in the year 1885, the term of office of President and Vice-President of the United States shall be six years; and any person having been elected to and held the office of President, or who, for two years, has held such office, shail be ineligible to a reelection.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 107, nays 143, not voting 39; as follows:

John H. Bagley, Jr., John H. Baker, Banks, Blaine, Bradley, William R. Brown, Horatio C. Burchard, Burleigh, Cate, Chittenden, Clymer, Cochrane, COLger, Crapo, Crounse, Farwell, Faulkner, Foster, Freeman, Frost, Frye, Garfield, Robert Hamilton, Hancock, Haralson, Hardenbergh, Benjamin W. Harris, Harrison, Hatcher, Hathorn, Hendee, Henderson, Abram S. Hewitt, Hopkins, Hoskins, House, Kimball, King, Franklin, Landers, Lane, Lapham, Hubbell. Hurlbut, Joyce, Kasson, Kehr, Ketchum, Lawrence, Leavenworth, Luttrell, Edmund W. M. Mackey, Levi A. Mackey, MacDougall, McCrary, Miller, Monroe, Morgan, Norton, Oliver, O'Neill, Plaisted, Platt, Potter, Rainey, Randall, Reagan, Packer, Phelps, William A. Phillips, Pierce, Piper, John Reilly, Riddle, John Robbins, Roberts, Robinson, Sobieski Ross, Sampson, Sheakley, Singleton, Sinnickson, A. Herr Smith, Strait, Stowell, Teese, Thornburgh, Throckmorton, Washington Townsend, Turney, Van Vorhes, Robert B. Vance, Walling, Warren, Erastus Wells, Wheeler, White, Whiting, Willard, Alpheus S. Williams, James D. Williams, Willis, James Wilson, Woodworth, and Yeates-107.

NAYS-Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, Atkins, Bagby, William H. Baker, Ballou, Banning, Barnum, ford, Bright, John Young Brown, Buckner, Samuel Beebe, Bell, Blackburn, Blair, Bland, Boone, BradD. Burchard, Cabell, John H. Caldwell, Campbell, Candler, Cannon, Caulfield, Chapin, John B. Clarke, of Kentucky, John B. Clarke, Jr., of Missouri, Collius, Cook, Cowan, Culberson, Cutler, Davis, Davy, De Bolt, Denison, Dibrell, Douglas, Dunnell, Durand, Durham, Eames, Eden, Egbert, Felton, Forney, Fort, Franklin, Fuller, Gause, Glover, Goodin, Andrew H. Hamilton, Henry R. Harris, John T. Harris, Hartzell, Haymond, Hereford, Goldsmith W. Hewitt, Hill, Holman, Hooker, Hunter, Hunton, Hurd, Hyman, Thomas L. Jones, Knott, George M. Landers, Levy, Lewis, Lord, Lynch, Lynde, Magoon, Maish, McDill, McMahon, Meade, Metcalfe, Milliken, Mills, Morrison, Mutchler, Nash, Neal, New, Odell, Page, Parsons, Payne, John F. Philips, Poppleton, Powell, Pratt, Rea, Rice, William M. Robbins, Miles Ross, Rusk, Savage, Sayler, Scales, Seelye, Slemons, Smalls, William E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Springer, Stenger, Stevenson, Stone, Swann, Tarbox, Terry, Thompson, Thomas, Martin I. Townsend, Tucker, Tufts, Johr L. Vance, Waddell, Waldron, Charles C. B. Walker, Gilbert C. Walker, Alexander S. Wallace, Walls, Walsh, Ward, G. Wiley Wells, Whitehouse, Wigginton, Wike, Charles G. Williams, James Williams, Jeremiah N. Willians. William B. Williams, Wilshire, Benjamin Wilson, Woodburn, and Young-143.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Bass, Bliss, Blount, William P. Caldwell, Cason, Caswell, Cox, Danferd, Darrall, Dobbins, Ellis, Ely, Evans, Gibson, Gocde, Gunter, Hale, Hartridge, Hays, Henkle, Hoar, Hoge, Jenks, Frank Jones, Kelley, Lamar, McFarland, Money, Morey, O'Brien, Purman, James B. Reilly, Schleicher, Schumaker, John W. Wallace, Whitthorne, Andrew Williams, Alan Wood, Jr., and Fernando Wood-89.

So Mr. Frye's amendment was rejected. The question recurred on the engrossment and third reading of the joint resolution, as follows:

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein). That the following be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by threefourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as a part

of said Constitution:

The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 145, nays 108, not voting 36; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Ainsworth, Ashe, Atkins, Bagby, John H. Bagley, Jr., Banks, Banning, Barnum, Beebe Bell, Blackburn, Bland, Boone, Bradford, Bright, John Young Brown, Buckner, Samuel D. Burchard, Cabell, John H. Caldwell, Candler, Cate, Caulfield, Chapin, John B. Clarke, of Kentucky, John B. Clark, Jr., of Missouri, Clymer, Cochrane, Collins, Cook, Cowan, Crounse, Culberson, Cutler, Davis, De Bolt, Dibrell, Douglas, Dunnell, Durand, Durham, Eden, Egbert, Faulkner, Felton, Forney, Franklin, Frost, Fuller, Gause, Gibson, Glover, Goodin, Andrew H. Hamilton, Hancock, Henry R. Harris, John T. Harris, Harrison, Hartzell, Hatcher, Hereford, Abram S. Hewitt, Goldsmith W. Hewitt, Hill, Holman, Hopkins, House, Hunton, Hurd, Thomas L. Jones, Knott, Franklin Landers, George M. Landers, Lane, Levy, Lewis, Lord, Luttrell, Lynde, Levi A. Mackey, Maish, McFarland, McMahon, Meade, Metcalfe, Milliken, Mills, Morgan, Morrison, Mutchler, Odell, Parsons, Payne, Phelps, John F. Philps, William A. Phillips, Piper, Poppleton, Powell, Reagan, John Reilly, Rice, Riddle, John Robbins, William M. Robbins, Roberts, Miles Ross, Savage, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Sheakley, Singleton, Slemons, William E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Springer, Stenger, Stevenson, Stone, Tarbox, Terry, Thompson, Throckmorton, Tucker, Turney, John L. Vance, Robert B. Vance, Waddell, Charles C. B. Walker, Gilbert C. Walker, Walling, Ward, Warren, Erastus Wells, Whitehouse, Wigginton, Alpheus S. Williams, James D. Williams, Jeremiah N. Williams, Willis, Wilshire, Benjamin Wilson, and Yeates

-145.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Anderson, George A. Bagley, John H. Baker, William H. Baker, Ballou, Blaine, Blair, Bradley, William R. Brown, Horatio C. Burchard, Burleigh, Campbell, Cannon, Chittenden, Conger, Crapo, Davy, Denison, Eames, Farwell, Fort, Foster, Freeman, Frye, Garfield, Hale, Robert Hamilton, Haralson, Hardenbergh, Benjamin W. Harris, Haythorn, Haymond, Hendee, Henderson, Hooker, Hoskins, Hubbell, Hunter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, Kasson, Kehr, Ketchum, Kimball, King, Lipham, Lawrence, Leavenworth, Lynch, Edmund W. M. Mackey, Magoon, MacDougall, McCrary, MeDill, Miller, Monroe, Nash, Neal, New, Norton, Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, Page, Pierce, Plaisted, Platt, Potter, Pratt, Purman, Rainey, Randall, Robinson, Sobieski Ross, Rusk, Sampson, Seelye, Sinnickson, Smalls, A. Herr Smith, Strait, Stowell, Swann, Teese, Thomas, Thornburgh, Martin I. Townsend, Washington Townsend, Tufts, Van Vorhes, Waldron, Alexander S. Wallace, Walls, Walsh, G. Wiley Wells, Wheeler, White, Whiting, Wike, Willard, Charles G. Williams, William B. Williams, James Wilson, Fernando Wood, Woodburn, and Woodworth-108. NOT VOTING-Messrs. Bass, Bliss, Blount, William P. Caldwell, Cason, Caswell, Cox, Danford, Darrall, Dobbins, Ellis, Ely, Evans, Goode, Gunter, Hartridge, Hays, Henkle, Hoar, Hoge, Jenks, Frank Jones, Kelley, Lamar, Money, Morey, O'Brien, Rea, James B. Reilly, Schumaker, John W. Wallace, Whitthorne, Andrew Williams, James Williams, Alan Wood, Jr., and Young-36.

So (two-thirds not having voted in favor thereof) the joint résolution was rejected. On the same day, Mr. Harrison, of Illinois, introduced again the following joint resolution for an amendment of the Constitution, which was referred to the Judiciary Committee:

ARTICLE XVI.-From and after the election for President of the United States next following the ratification of this article, the President shall hold his office during the term of six years, and, together

with the Vice-President chosen for the same term, be elected in the manner as now provided or may hereafter be provided; but neither the President nor Vice-President, when the office of President is devolved upon him, shall be eligible for reelection as President, but shall be from and after the expiration of his office as President, unless the same be by impeachment, a Senator for life for the United States at large, and, as such Senator, shall have the same privilege as other Senators (except that he shall not vote as Senator, nor shall he be President pro tempore of the Senate), the same immunities, and compensation; but his attendance upon the sessions shall not be compulsory, nor shall his compensation be abridged by reason of his non-attendance.

On the same day, Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, introduced again the following joint resolution to amend the Constitution, which was referred to the Judiciary Committee:

for a President of the United States, the President shall hold his office during the term of six years, and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same term, be elected in the manner as now provided, or may hereafter be provided; but the President shall not be eligible for more than six years in any term of twelve years.

ARTICLE XVI.-From and after the next election

On the same day, Mr. McCrary, of Iowa, introduced the following joint resolution for an amendment of the Constitution, which was referred to the Judiciary Committee:

All civil officers of the United States, except judges of the Supreme and inferior courts, the heads of departments, and those whose duties are temporary in their character, shall hold office for a term of four years, unless a longer term shall be fixed by law. Congress may by law provide for the election by the ties are to be performed within the limits of any people, of postmasters and other officers whose duState or part of a State; but the President shall have the power of removal of any such officer, the incumbent's character, habits, or other qualifiwhether appointed or elected, for any cause affecting cations, excepting political or religious opinions.

On January 6th, Mr. Reagan, of Texas, introduced the following joint resolution, proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Judiciary Committee:

1. That the words, "and direct taxes," where they occur in the first line of clause 3, section 2, Article I., of the Constitution, be stricken out.

2. That the following words be added to the end of clause 1, section 8 of Article I., of the Constitution: "And direct taxes, when levied by the United States, shall be apportioned between the several States and Territories, and the District of Columbia, in proportion to the value of the property in each, lumbia, shall have the right to collect its portion of and each State, Territory, and the District of Cothe same, if it elect to do so, by its own officers, and from subjects of taxation provided by its own laws, and pay the same over to the United States, as may be provided by law. And on the refusal or failure of any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, the same shall be collected as may be provided by to collect and pay over its portion of any such tax, the laws of the United States."

On the same day, Mr. Oliver, of Iowa, introduced the following joint resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States, which was referred to the Judiciary Committee: