CHAPTER II.

1788.

1789.

THE winter festivities of 1788-'89, however, were succeeded by matters of a public nature, which quickened the pulse of the politician, and excited a lively degree of attention, not only in the City of New York, but throughout the borders of the young republic. The elections under the new Constitution had been held; WASHINGTON-the man of all others "first in the hearts of his countrymen"-had been spontaneously designated by the people as their first Chief Magistrate under the new system; and the constituted authorities elect were about to assemble in New York, to give action to the new political machinery. Congress, consisting for the first time of two branches,-a Senate and House of Representatives,— was to meet on the 4th day of March, 1789; and the thoughts of all were directed with deep solicitude to the period at which their labors were to be commenced.

The day, "big with the fate of Rome," at length arrived; but it brought not a quorum of either House; for although the men of those days cannot be safely charged deficiency of patriotism, yet they had no sinister or ambitious purposes to accomplish, and, therefore, did not assemble in organized bodies of partisans at the first tap of the political drum. Adjourning over from day to day, until nearly the "ides of March" had arrived, without any accession being made to their numbers, on the 11th of that month the senators present jointly addressed

a circular letter to the absentees, urging their prompt attention to assist in putting the Government into operation. The request was repeated by letter on the 18th.

The House of Representatives was similarly circumstanced. Only thirteen members appeared on the day appointed, and these were from the five States of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina, a commonwealth which, though always proud and high-spirited, was then as anxious to come into the Union as she seems since to have been to break out of it. The members gathered in by degrees, though slowly; and the House, like the Senate, adjourned over daily, until the 1st of April, when a quorum appeared, and Frederick Augustus Muhlenburgh, of Pennsylvania, was elected Speaker. Among the most distinguished patriots then present were Roger Sherman, Fisher Ames, Richard Bland Lee, James Madison, Elias Boudinot, and Thomas Tudor Tucker.

The members of the Senate came in still more tardily; but, on the 6th of April, the arrival of Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, enabled them to form a quorum and commence their labors. John Langdon was elected president of the Senate, pro tem., and Samuel A. Otis, secretary. Both Houses thus being organized, they proceeded to business, their first act being to canvass the votes returned for President and Vice-President, as prescribed in the new Constitution. At the time the election by the people was held, but ten States had placed themselves within the pale of the new Constitution. The whole number of votes cast was sixty-nine; and so entirely did the Father of his Country enjoy the affection of his children, that, without the aid of caucuses, or nominating conventions, every vote was given for GEORGE WASHINGTON. "If we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated presidents

or consuls, kings or princes, where shall we find one whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favor,--who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations and his fellow-citizens with equal unanimity? Qualities so uncommon are no common blessing to the country that possesses them. But it was by these great qualities, and their benign effects, that Providence had marked out the first head of this great nation, with a hand so distinctly visible as to have been seen by all men and mistaken by none."* By the Constitution, while it bore the unadulterated impress of the wisdom of its framers, and before it had been impaired by amendment, the candidate receiving the second highest number of votes was to be declared the Vice-President. The lot fell upon one who, during the whole combat of the Revoolution, had been in the halls of legislation what his illustrious compeer had been in the field,-first in wisdom and foremost in action.†

The gratifying result having been thus ascertained agreeably to the constitutional forms, Charles Thomson, the secretary of the old Congress, was dispatched to Mount Vernon, as a commissioner, to notify the chieftain of his election. Meantime a discussion arose in both Houses, resulting in an irreconcilable difference between them, of a character at once delicate and interesting. It called forth great talent, and first awakened those feelings of democratic jealousy and distrust of titles and power, of which we have seen so much since. Not that our modern republicans are opposed, per se, to titles of a subordinate character, since for this species of distinction no

* Inaugural Address of the first Vice-President-the elder Adams. The vote stood as follows: George Washington, 69; John Adams, 34; John Jay, 9; Robert H. Harrison, 6; John Rutledge, 6; John Hancock, 4; George Clinton, 3; Samuel Huntington, 2; John Milton, 2; and one each for James Armstrong, Edward Telfair, and Benjamin Lincoln.

people on earth appear so fond, or in fact enjoy so much, or adhere to it with greater tenacity. Many of the most respectable citizens were constant listeners to the debates of which we have just been speaking; for they were not only interested in the principle involved, but loved to study the characters of those noble spirits who were now assembled to consummate the revolution which their wisdom and valor had achieved, by reducing the discordant members of the republic to order, and adjusting the details of a government, under the firm but harmonious action of which, complicated as it was, it was hoped the principles of civil and religious freedom would for ages find shelter and protection. The question at issue was upon the adoption of some respectful title by which the President of the United States should be addressed in their official intercourse with him. The first proposition in the Senate was, that the official address should be "HIS EXCELLENCY." But this was not considered as sufficiently elevated. It was at length determined by that body, that the address should be "HIS HIGHNESS THE PRESIDENT OF THE United STATES, AND THE PROTECTOR OF THEIR LIBERTIES." But the House of Representatives obstinately refused to sanction any title whatever, and declared that the constitutional address—“ TO THE PRESIDENT"-was the only title which, as consistent republicans, they could sanction. Committees of conference were appointed, but to no purpose. The indomitable spirit of the House of Representatives was not to be moved. The Senate finally resolved "that it would be proper to address the President by some respectful title; but, for the sake of harmony, they would for the present act in conformity with the House of Representatives." And thus the matter has rested to this day.

Summoned by the worthy messenger of Congress to repair to the seat of government and assume the high trust which had been conferred upon him by the people,

the progress of the President-elect, from the shades of Vernon to New York, was like a triumphant procession along the whole distance. At Philadelphia he was met by Governor St. Clair, General Mifflin, and other distinguished citizens, with the most rapturous enthusiasm. A grand banquet was prepared, of which he partook; and addresses were presented to him from all classes of the people, expressive of their gratitude for his past services, their joy for his present elevation, and their confidence in his future administration. As he passed through the streets, the welkin rang with their joyous acclamations, and shouts of "Long live George Washington, the father of his people," resounded from thousands of voices. But, however flattering would have been these spontaneous marks of popular affection to ordinary mortals, the conduct of the great chief on the occasion illustrated the republican virtue of dignified humility, and showed how excellent is glory when earned by virtue. Instead of assuming the pomp of royalty, or of any personal superiority, he sought throughout to prove himself, not only the friend of the people, but one of them.

An escort attended him from the hospitable city of Penn, until he was received by the citizens of Trenton, into which place he was conducted by the civil and military authorities of New Jersey, with every patriotic demonstration of respect and joy. This place had been rendered memorable by the capture of the Hessians, and by the repulse of the British troops near the bridge over the Delaware, the night before the Battle of Trenton. Recollecting these circumstances, the ladies of that city formed and executed the design of testifying their gratitude to the chieftain for the protection of their daughters, by celebrating those actions in their pageant. For this purpose a triumphal arch was raised on the bridge, of twenty feet span, supported by thirteen pillars, each of