of the Constitution, must have been dispelled by the malignity and barbarity of the Northern States in the prosecution of the existing war. The confidence of the most hopeful among us must have been destroyed by the disregard they have recently exhibited for all the time-honored bulwarks of civil and religious liberty. Bastiles filled with prisoners, arrested without civil process or indictment duly found; the writ of habeas corpus suspended by Executive mandate; a State Legislature controlled by the imprisonment of members whose avowed principles suggested to the Federal Executive that there might be another added to the list of seceded States; elections held under threats of a military power; civil officers, peaceful citizens and gentle women incarcerated for opinion's sake, proclaimed the incapacity of our late associates to administer a government as free, liberal and humane as that established for our common use.

ment, refused even to listen to any proposals for a peaceful separation. Nothing was then left to us but to prepare for war.

The first year in our history has been the most eventful in the annals of this continent. A new government has been established, and its machinery put in operation over an area exceeding seven hundred thousand square miles. The great principles upon which we have been willing to hazard everything that is dear to man have made conquests for us which could never have been achieved by the sword. Our Confederacy has grown from six to thirteen States; and Maryland, already united to us by hallowed memories and material interests, will, I believe, when able to speak with unstifled voice, connect her destiny with the South. Our people have rallied with unexampled unanimity to the support of the great principles of constitutional government, with firm resolve to perpetuate by arms the rights which they could not peacefully secure. A million of men, it is estimated, are now standing in hostile array, and waging war along a frontier of thousands of miles. Battles have been fought, sieges have been conducted, and although the contest is not ended, and the tide for the moment is against us, the final result in our favor is not doubtful.

For proof of the sincerity of our purpose to maintain our ancient institutions, we may point to the constitution of the Confederacy and the laws enacted under it, as well as to the fact that through all the necessities of an unequal struggle there has been no act on our part to impair personal liberty or the freedom of speech, of thought or of the press. The courts have been open, the judicial functions fully executed, and every right The period is near at hand when our foes must of the peaceful citizen maintained as securely as sink under the immense load of debt which they if a war of invasion had not disturbed the land. have incurred, a debt which in their effort to subThe people of the States now confederated be- jugate us has already attained such fearful dicame convinced that the Government of the Unit-mensions as will subject them to burthens which ed States had fallen into the hands of a sectional must continue to oppress them for generations to majority, who would pervert that most sacred of come. all trusts to the destruction of the rights which it We, too, have had our trials and difficulties. was pledged to protect. They believed that to That we are to escape them in future is not to be remain longer in the Union would subject them hoped. It was to be expected when we entered to a continuance of a disparaging discrimination, upon this war that it would expose our people to submission to which would be inconsistent with sacrifices and cost them much, both of money their welfare, and intolerable to a proud people. and blood. But we knew the value of the object They therefore determined to sever its bonds and for which we struggled, and understood the naestablish a new confederacy for themselves. ture of the war in which we were engaged. NothThe experiment instituted by our Revolution-ing could be so bad as failure, and any sacrifice ary fathers, of a voluntary union of sovereign would be cheap as the price of success in such a States for purposes specified in a solemn compact, contest. had been perverted by those who, feeling power and forgetting right, were determined to respect no law but their own will. The Government had ceased to answer the ends for which it was ordained and established. To save ourselves from a revolution which, in its silent but rapid prog-fice and of generous devotion to the noble cause ress, was about to place us under the despotism of numbers, and to preserve in spirit, as well as in form, a system of government we believed to be peculiarly fitted to our condition, and full of promise for mankind, we determined to make a new association, composed of States homogeneous in interest, in policy and in feeling.

True to our traditions of peace and our love of justice, we sent commissioners to the United States to propose a fair and amicable settlement of all questions of public debt or property which might be in dispute. But the Government at Washington, denying our right to self-govern

But the picture has its lights as well as its shadows. This great strife has awakened in the people the highest emotions and qualities of the human soul. It is cultivating feelings of patriotism, virtue and courage. Instances of self sacri

for which we are contending, are rife throughout the land. Never has a people evinced a more determined spirit than that now animating men, women and children, in every part of our country. Upon the first call, the men fly to arms; and wives and mothers send their husbands and sons to battle, without a murmur of regret.

It was, perhaps, in the ordination of Providence, that we were to be taught the value of our liberties by the price which we pay for them.

The recollections of this great contest, with all its common traditions of glory, of sacrifice and of blood, will be the bond of harmony and endur.

ing affection amongst the people; producing unity the heart of a people resolved to be free, these in policy, fraternity in sentiment, and joint effort disasters tend but to stimulate to increased rein war. sistance.

in any and all measures of defence for our State and capital. Gen. Johnston informed me that, under the circumstances which surrounded him, with the small force then under his command, he regarded it as his duty to the army he commanded and the government he represented, to fall back with his army south of Nashville, making no defence of the city, and that he would do so immediately upon the arrival of the army from Bowling Green. The necessity for this retrograde movement, I am certain, was deeply regretted by Gen. Johnston. None could have deplored it more seriously than myself.

You have for months past witnessed the constant and earnest efforts which I have made to raise troops, collect arms, and prepare them for the defence of our long line of frontier, but it is evident that the country has not been sufficiently aroused to a full sense of the dangers with which it was menaced. While it is true that Tennessee has sent large numbers of her sons to the field who are performing their duty nobly, and her people have shown a high degree of energy in developing all the resources of the State, which could aid the government in this struggle, it is equally true that there is scarcely a locality within our limits which could not have done, and which cannot now do, more. Many weeks before this crisis in our affairs, Gen. Johnston sent a highly accomplished and able engineer, Major Gilmer, to Nashville, to construct fortifications for the defence of the city. Laborers were needed for their construction. I joined Major Gilmer in an earnest appeal to the people to send in their laborers for the purpose, offering full and fair compensation. This appeal was so feebly responded to that I advised Gen. Johnston to impress the necessary labor; but owing to the difficulty in obtaining the laborers, the works were not completed-indeed, some of them but little more than commenced when Fort Donelson fell.

Under the act of May sixth, 1861, I raised, organized, and equipped a large volunteer force, but under the Military League and the act of the General Assembly, it was made my duty to transfer that army, with all of our munitions, to the government of the confederate States, which I did on the thirty-first day of July, 1861.

Since that time I have had no authority to raise or means of subsisting a State army, being only authorized to raise, organize, and put into the field such troops as were demanded of the State by the government of the confederate States, that government having control of the defences of the State, as well as our munitions and means of defence.

Since the passage of the act of May, 1861, I have organized and put into the field for the confederate service, fifty-nine regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, eleven cavalry battalions, and over twenty independent companies, mostly artillery. The confederate government has armed about fifteen thousand of these troops, but to arm the remainder of this large force, I have had to draw heavily upon the sporting-guns of our citizens.

Having bent every energy to fill the requisitions made upon me by the confederate States for troops, when Fort Donelson fell there was not a single organized and armed company in the State, subject to my command, the only force under my control being an undisciplined, unarmed militia, which, under our inefficient and sadly defective militia system, I have had no power to discipline, drill and prepare for service in the field. Under these circumstances, when the confederate army fell back from the capital, leaving it exposed to the assault of a large army of the enemy, it would have been worse than folly in me to have attempted its defence.

There was no alternative left but for the officers of the government to remove the public records to a place of greater security, or allow themselves and those records to fall into the hands of the Union army, resulting in the subversion of the State government and the establishment of a military despotism or a provisional government, under Federal authority, over the people of the State. I could not doubt or hesitate as to my duty under such circumstances.

Having assembled here, at a time when a part of our territory is overrun, and other portions seriously threatened by the invader, the one great duty which devolves upon us is the immediate adoption of such measures as will concentrate every possible energy and all the resources of the State in a determined effort to drive back the invader, redeem every inch of our soil, and maintain the independence of our State.

By a majority approximating unanimity, we have voted ourselves a free and independent people. Shall we falter now in maintaining that declaration at any cost or at any sacrifice? The alternative presented to us is the maintenance of our independence, however long or bloody the struggle, or subjugation, dishonor, or political slavery. I trust there are very few Tennesseeans "who can long debate which of the two to choose."

The apprehensions which I expressed, and the dangers of which I warned you, in my special message of the first instant, have been fully realized by the country, and the necessity for prompt, energetic, and decided action is even more imperative now than at that time.

I now respectfully repeat to you the recommendation of that message, and earnestly urge that you so amend our militia system as will not only enable the Executive to fill promptly all requisitions made by the confederate government upon Tennessee for her just proportion of troops, but also give full power to discipline and prepare for efficient service in the field the whole military strength of the State, classifying the militia so that the burdens of our defence will fall upon the young and vigorous, who are best able to bear them. I also recommend that you authorize the organization of a part of the militia into cavalry and artillery corps, as well as infantry, and in all instances where it is deemed proper to call out the militia, authorize the reception of volunteers in lieu of the militia, so far as they may present

themselves; and for the present defence of the State, I recommend the passage of a bill authorizing the raising, arming, and equipping of a provisional army of volunteers, appropriating ample means for this purpose.

Believing that at least one fourth of the present militia strength of the State can be armed by collecting all the sporting-guns in the country, I have ordered that proportion to be placed in camp immediately. Appropriations to equip, pay, sub-will prove to them that we come to restore, not to sist, and clothe this force while engaged in the public defence will be necessary.

While there is much to regret in the past, there is much to hope in the future. Our fathers in the first revolution experienced more serious reverses and many darker hours than any we have known, yet they did not falter until their independence was achieved. Tennessee holds her fate in her own hands; a fixed and unalterable resolve, a bold, firm and united effort to maintain our independence at any and all hazards, gives us the means of repelling the invader at once. The confederate government is sending her legions to our aid, our sister States of the South are rallying their gallant sons to the rescue.

Let Tennessee remember that the invader is on her soil; that the independence and freedom of her people from tyranny and oppression are involved in this struggle, and, putting forth her whole strength, act as becomes the high character which the gallantry of her sons has won for her on other fields. Respectfully,

Doc. 60.

ISHAM G. HARRIS.

CAPTURE OF FAYETTEVILLE, ARK.

GEN. HALLECK'S DESPATCH.

Major-Gen. McClellan:

among their troops. As the armies of the West advance into Tennessee and the Southern States, let us show to our fellow-citizens of these States that we come merely to crush out the rebellion, and restore to them the peace and benefits of the Constitution and the Union, of which they have been deprived by selfish and unprincipled leaders. They have been told that we came to oppress and plunder. By our acts we will undeceive. We violate the Constitution and the laws. In restoring to them the glorious flag of the Union, we will assure them that they shall enjoy under its folds the same protection of life and property as in former days. Soldiers, let no excess on your part tarnish the glory of our arms. The orders heretofore issued from this department, in regard to pillaging, marauding, and the destruction of private property and stealing, and the concealment of slaves, must be strictly enforced.

It does not belong to the military to decide upon the relation of master and slave. Such questions must be settled by the civil courts. No fugitive slaves will, therefore, be admitted within our lines or camps, except when specially ordered by the General commanding. Women and children, merchants, farmers, mechanics, and all persons not in arms, are regarded as non-combatants, and are not to be molested either in their person or property. If, however, they assist and aid the enemy, they become belligerents, and will be treated as such. As they violate the laws of war, they will be made to suffer the penalties of such violation.

Military stores and public property of the enemy must be surrendered, and an attempt to conceal such property by fraudulent transfer or otherwise, will be punished, but no private property will be touched unless by order of the General commanding. Wherever it becomes necessary, forced contributions for supplies and subsistence for our troops will be made. Such levies will be made as light as possible, and be so distributed The enemy burnt part of the town before leav-as to produce no distress among the people. All ing. They have crossed Boston Mountains in great confusion. We are now in possession of all their strongholds.

GEN. CURTIS has taken possession of Fayetteville, Arkansas, capturing a number of prisoners, stores, baggage, etc.

property so taken must be receipted for fully, and accounted for as heretofore directed.

These orders will be read at the head of every regiment, and all officers are commanded to strict

By command of Major-Gen. HALLECK.
N. H. MCLEAN, A. G.

Forty-two officers and men of the Fifth Missouri cavalry were poisoned at Mud Town by eat-ly enforce them. ing poisoned food which the rebels left behind them. The gallant Capt. Dolfert died, and Lieut.Col. Van Deutzh and Capt. Schman have suffered much, but are now recovering. The indignation of our soldiers is very great, but they have been restrained from retaliation upon the prisoners of war. H. W. HALLECK, Major-General Commanding.

Doc. 62.

EXPEDITION TO BEAR BLUFF, S. C.

LIEUT. COM. RHIND'S REPORT.

UNITED STATES STEAMER CRUSADER, NORTH-EDISTO, March 3, 1862. SIR: On the twenty-third instant I received information that the enemy were building a battery at Bear Bluff, opposite White Point. On the night of the twenty-fourth, accompanied by Lieut. Prentiss, I went up in our dingey, with three men, and landed without being discovered by the guard. Lieut. Prentiss and I went up and found the battery in an unfinished state, and looking about us

discovered the magazine, found two of the picket- He believes that thousands of hearts in every guard asleep in it, got one musket out from beside part of the State will swell with joy to see that them without awakening them, returned to the honored flag reinstated in a position from which boat and brought up two of the men to secure it was removed in the excitement and folly of an them. In doing so, I regret to say one of them evil hour; that the voice of her own people will was shot through the head, and instantly killed—soon proclaim its welcome, and that their manthe pistol in my hand going off accidentally in the hood and patriotism will protect and perpetustruggle. We carried both to the boat, and es- ate it. caped without discovery.

Flag-Officer A. II. Foote, Commanding Flotilla Western Waters: No arrests are to be made without the authorSIR: Uncertain that my letter of the twenty-ity of the Commanding General, except in case of third instant reached you, I repeat that I de-actual offence against the authority of the Govparted from Clarksville for this point by the ernment; and in all such cases the fact and cirrequest of Brig. Gen. Smith, commanding at cumstances will immediately be reported in writClarksville, and arrived here this morning, pre-ing to headquarters through the intermediate ceded by seven steamboats conveying an army commanders. commanded by Brig.-Gen. Nelson.

indications of the efficiency and fitness of its offiThe condition and behavior of a corps are sure cers. If any regiment shall be found to disregard that propriety of conduct, which belongs to soldiers as well as citizens, they must not expect to occupy the posts of honor, but may rest assured that The General Commanding congratulates his they will be placed in position, where they cantroops that it has been their privilege to restore not bring shame on their comrades and the cause the national banner to the capital of Tennessee. I they are engaged in. The Government supplies