immunity for her children from the weaknesses of men. The Presbyterian feels too acutely his foreordained sanctity willingly to degrade his profession to familiarity with sinners: the Baptist, the Methodist, Unitarian and Trinitarian all drag about them the garments of spiritual pride, and resist with the dogmas of their creeds the sacrilegious doubt of their infallibility: and even the philosophical disciple, who denounces the sect that wars with man's common brotherhood; who entertains the right, and pleads for the millions of his race; who overleaps the barriers of narrow and bigoted conventionalisms, and summons to the side of humanity every consideration, both of duration and of space-even he, overcome by the blandishments of power, or by the sweet intoxication of personal incense, forgets, in the pride of intellect, the inestimable value of a soul, and repels the common approach as derogatory to his eminence, and as an aggression of the vulgar mind upon the superior attributes of his.

These things are, and will continue to be. But, surpliced priest! know that thy episcopal functions are delegated for the protection and encouragement of the poor and the lowly! Presbyterian divine! learn that the humblest of these is as rich in the regards of humanity's Author as thou! Wrangling polemics of opposing sects! forget not, that of all things, thy infirmities alone are beyond dispute! And O advocate of manhood, champion of universal right, shame on the vanity that prefers the instrument of God's beneficence before its object. But, honor to him who, while dragging up his species to his own moral elevation, thinks it no wrong to be ranked with them, to feel for them, to be of them-them with whom and of whom the Master thought it not shame to be, and for whom He died.

EARLY LOVE.

O THOUGHT of human love, that o'er
All thought of earth still rises bright!
O glimpse of still diviner light,

That from the far, immortal shore

Of thy blest heaven to childhood came,
And fell unfathomably deep
Into the curtained eye of sleep,

And kindled there the unconscious flame!

Still as the years come and depart,

I hear thy silvery voice and song,
Chanting for ever, fresh and strong,
The first green lyric of the heart.

I stood upon the ocean's strand,

And watched the waves receding there;
Coming and going, breaking where
The children played on the smooth sand.

White sails appeared far out to sea,

Like specks upon a world of blue;
And further sinking, lost to view,
How calm, how clear, how silently!

We sang along the unshaded hill,

We sang along the sounding shore;
A voice was speaking evermore
In dreams, when every thing was still.

O spell of love, that lies so deep

Over my soul, by land or sea!
The burden of my song shall be,
Sleep ever softly, softly sleep.

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND ITS OPPONENTS.

NEVER were the future prospects of Democracy more encou raging than at the present time, and never did greater interests or more fondly-cherished principles require the success of any party than those which demand that the Democratic party maintain its ascendency in all its original manhood.

The year 1852 was a brilliant one for the Democracy. The Whig party, which to that period had clung to its principles with a tenacity worthy a better cause, abandoned these principles, threw overboard its great leader and most brilliant ornament, and, rallying on a candidate whose chief recommendation was his military fame, the Whig party met the Democratic party, was overthrown and annihilated. Phoenix-like, from its ashes sprang up two germs-the one, Know-Nothingism; the other, radical Abolitionism, known by the taking term of "Republicanism." The one is the party of race and religion; the other the party of one idea-abolitionism, as embodied in the person and necessary to the political advancement of William H. Seward. These two parties, or rather parts of one party, claim to the dignity of being opponents of the Democratic party, and as such let us inquire into their professed principles and apparent objects.

History shows us that the contest of race and religion is the bitterest of all, that it has ever been attended with the most. frightful, terrible results, and that it can be carried on in no country without endangering its peace and prosperity, and the lives and property of its citizens. It has occasioned the shedding of more blood, been the cause of more terrible and sudden revolutions, and done more to depopulate countries and spread devastation and ruin around, than any one cause. It appeals at once to the fiercest passions in the human breast, makes the peaceable, quiet citizen the terrible avenger, and, of

all other causes, soonest plunges a nation in that most terrible of all calamities, civil war.

Aside from the question whether the principles professed by the Know-Nothings are just a question which will not admit of argument-the fact that the Know-Nothings are a party of race and religion alone renders their accession fraught with imminent danger to the sacred interests of the Union and the prosperity of a common country. While we have little occasion to anticipate the disastrous results which might ensue were the Know-Nothings to obtain an ascendency in the Union, we may contemplate the consequence of their triumph in a single State. Without inquiring whether "Americans" or foreigners commenced the terrible riot in Louisville-and may we never be called upon to chronicle another-it can not be denied that it was a result of this war of race and religion-a contest which entails the most frightful consequences and the most deplorable calamities when waged in a republic, where all are rulers. That it has not already spread over the country, that the terrible scenes which were enacted in Louisville have not been witnessed in every city and town in the Union, is owing to the stability of the American mind, and to the attachment of the people to that order and that respect for law by which alone the permanency of the Republic can be secured and the stability of the Union maintained.

The Know-Nothings, without any justification, and for no other cause than to secure personal political advancement, have not hesitated to endanger the prosperity of the country by bringing into the political arena this contest of race and religion-a fearful one indeed, and for the results of which they must be held accountable. The Constitution is the palladium of our liberties, and its favorable observance will secure the continued prosperity of the Republic and the perpetuity of the Union. It declares the naturalized citizen to possess the privi leges of one "native and to the manor born," and that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of a religion." The Know-Nothings, however, not only proscribe a man because of his religion; but he is less a man, his heart can not beat for liberty if born on the other side of the Atlantic, or under any other flag than the stars and stripes. We repeat, the Know-Nothings have brought this new element into the arena of politics, an element unrepublican as it is dangerous, and they must bear the responsibility. If the future history of our country is to be darkened by this storm; if riot is to run unchecked over the country, and law and order are to

be subverted; if the Constitution is to cease to be the sacred instrument it now is, and the counsels of a Washington and Jefferson are to be mentioned but to be ridiculed, let it never be forgotten that it will be the result of this war of race and religion; and "woe to them by whom the offense cometh."

Let us now glance at that party which has arrayed itself in hostility to the Democratic party under the name of "Republican."

Never before in the political history of our country were such reckless measures resorted to, or such unscrupulous means employed in securing so small an object at so great a cost, as the endeavors now being made, by those who are pleased to call themselves "Republicans," to secure the political personal advancement of William H. Seward. There always have been and ever will be parties antagonistic to the Democratic party; but there never before have been, and we trust never again will be, such unscrupulous efforts made to gratify the personal ambition of one man, as those being made by the leaders of the "Republican" movement, at the expense of national feelings and principles, and the safety of the Union. Abuses are tolerated under all forms of government; but there never was a greater outrage upon the people of the United States than that which seeks to make the people of the United States succumb to the personal ambition of one man, at the expense of their own safety and future prosperity. But it is urged in Mr. Seward's behalf: "He is a young man eloquent;' he is sincere in the principles he professes." Granting it, does it justify Mr. Seward's friends in raising false issues, creating sectional feeling by appealing to one half of the country against the other, and endangering the peace and prosperity of the Union, to secure his personal advancement? What American believes it? What citizen, what Union man, is willing to allow himself to become an instrument, a mere tool, with which to gratify personal ambition?

Why is it that the Whig party is declared by its former friends to exist only in the memory of the past? and why is the name WHIG as heartily anathematized now as it was extolled by those who once gloried in the name? Why is oblo quy heaped upon the memories of Clay and Webster, and why is a citizen of New-York denounced and execrated because he prefers to remain a Whig in name and principle? In short, why are appeals made to sectional feelings, and why is the slavery question revived in all its bitterness, endangering the prosperity of the country and the stability of the Union?