informed that 600 or 700 Soonnees were massacred; and other letters state that all of that faith were under process of expulsion from the city, to be replaced by a population devoted to Persia in religion and interest.

Inclosure in No. 175.

Extract from the Tehran "Gazette" of the 7th Rebbiul-evvel (November 6, 1856).

(Translation.)

AMEER DOST MAHOMED KHAN had recourse to many schemes, and used every exertion to obtain possession of Herat, and Colonel Essan Khan also did his utmost to hold out and defend himself in the besieged city of that Principality. These two persons have long been concerting measures together secretly, in the hope that, by some means or other, the hand of the victorious army of the Persian Government might fall short of Herat, and that country be delivered into the possession of Dost Mahomed Khan. So much so, that the last plan which occurred to Dost Mahomed Khan was to send Serdar Sultan Ahmud Khan (the son of Serdar Mahomed Azim Khan, and his own nephew), from Candahar to the camp at Herat, ostensibly to complain of the cruelty of his uncle, but in reality to allay suspicion, and then, aided by Essan Khan, to seize an opportunity of clandestinely effecting an entrance into the town of Herat, for the purpose of taking possession of that city in the name of Dost Mahomed Khan, his uncle. But none of these schemes were attended with success. His Royal Highness the Hesam-i-Sultaneh, Prince Sultan Moorad Meerza, Ruler of the Province of Khorassan, and the commanders and officers of the conquering forces of the Shah-in-Shah, stood their ground with the firmest determination and intrepidity, until, thanks be to the Almighty, to the secret ascendancy of the Holy Faith and the manifest Creed of Islam, and to the imperishable good fortune of His Majesty the Shah-in-Shah (may God protect his dominions!), on the 26th of October the town and citadel of Herat fell into the possession of the victorious troops of the Persian Government. A courier from his Royal Highness reached the capital from Herat in eight days, and placed at the feet of His Majesty, and in the hands of his Highness the Sadr Azim (may his shadow never diminish!) the despatches reporting the victory of Herat. By Royal command, a salute was ordered, the trumpets were sounded, and 110 guns were fired as a triumphal salute.

From the report made by the Kenaum-ed-Dowleh, the Vizier of Khorassan, the particulars are as follows :—

The invincible (Persian) troops having prepared, on all sides of the city, in every respect, the means of assault and victory; the trenches having been carried completely up to the ditch all round the town; the ditch and glacis being entirely in their hands; the operations against the rampart having been commenced, and, in several places, the wall and breastwork having been destroyed by firing mines, and levelled with the ground, Essan Khan and the other chiefs in the city perceived for certain that the time for resistance and procrastination had passed, and that, if they did not voluntarily surrender, they would be defeated, and captured by force; they therefore deputed an intercessor, and implored mercy; and Essan Khan, Abdullah Khan, Jemshedee, Fathoollah, Feeroozkoohee (of the Hezareh tribe), Aman Nuaz Khan, Toorkoman, and Meer Abdul Azeem, all repaired to the Royal camp, and were presented to His Royal Highness. The town and citadel were made over by them to the victorious army, and guards were then placed at the bastions and at the gates.

Herat now is in possession of the Persian Government, the same as one of the districts of a Persian province. Several towns and fortified places, which the Persian Ministers did not consider worthy of mention, and which have not therefore been hitherto named in the "Gazette," such as Ghorian, Ferrah, Sebzar, Lash, Jowein, and others, all formerly the property of Persia, forcibly seized and retained by the Affghans, are now also in the possession of the Persian Government.

The Persian Ministers felt quite certain and positive that, if they had been neglectful, and had not sent their troops to besiege Herat, Essan Khan would immediately have delivered over the city to Dost Mahomed Khan. This was

the reason why they could not withdraw their attention from Herat, and why they were compelled to have their troops there, in order to preserve its territory from being occupied by others, and to maintain the independence of that Princi pality intact. But the Persian Ministers are at a loss to know on what grounds the British Government, overlooking this manifest and obvious point, seek a pretext for quarrel) with the Persian Government regarding this rightful act, insinuate that the Persian Ministers have broken their engagement, and say that their intention is to possess themselves of Herat. Whereas, knowing for certain that Essan Khan and Dost Mahomed Khan were both watching for an opportunity, the former to deliver over Herat, and the latter to take possession of it, which is clearly and fully proved from the letters which Dost Mahomed Khan and his son had written to Essan Khan, and which were all made over by that person to the Hesam-i-Sultaneh; the conduct of the Persian Ministers, in besieging Herat, was precisely in accordance with the engagement regarding Herat. It was an observance, not a breach, of treaty. But notwithstanding this, the Persian Ministers are not heedless of the friendship of the British Government. Solely for its sake, they will not object to forego Herat, captured and occupied as it is, provided the British Government furnishes means of assurance in Candahar, Affghanistan, and in Herat itself, to the Persian Ministers, so that they may feel satisfied that each (of these Principalities) will for ever remain in its own state of independence, without being occupied or appropriated* by any other or foreign (Power); and that they will abide by these conditions, the important one of which is obedience to the commands of the Persian Government,† in consequence of her being a near neighbour, and for the (maintenance of the) tranquillity of the Provinces of Khorassan.

In truth, no stronger evidence than this can be adduced of their friendship for the British Government, and, of course, there are great and just Governments in this world who have made just and equitable arrangements for the peace of other Governments, and for all God's creatures, and have never refused to testify to what is just, and give their support to right and fair terms. But if this should be of no use, then let us put our trust in God, the best of guardians, the best of masters, and the best of champions.

Truly, Prince Sultan Moorad Meerza, the Kenaum-ed-Dowleh, Sam Khan Elkhanee, the Brigadiers, Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, and each and every one of the other officers, the soldiers, artillerymen, horsemen, and matchlockmen, the Affghans, and Farsee Zehans, who were in attendance in the camp of his Royal Highness, according to their stations, did their utmost in performing service, in risking their lives, and in showing their bravery, loyalty, devotion and patriotism.

"Indication of the greatness of Persia has appeared.”

After the victory of Herat, the Prince, agreeably to the instructions he held from the Persian Ministers, accorded such quarter and forgiveness of offences to all the inhabitants of the city, Affghans, and others, and even to those persons who had fired upon and fought against the Persian troops, as to prevent injury being done to any one, even to the value of a dinar, and that which had passed, whatever it was, was passed over by him in such a way as has inspired feelings of security and hope in the minds of all the inhabitants of Herat, and has induced them voluntarily to desire to serve (the Persian Government).

Mr. Murray to the Earl of Clarendon.--(Received January 22, 1857.)

(Extract.)

Bagdad, December 22, 1856.

I HAVE the honour to inclose herewith, for your Lordship's information, a number of the Tehran "Gazette," which has at last reached this place, with

* The word used literally means to lay hands on, or "subjection" the word has both meanings. † Or, that they will remain so under conditions, the most important of which would be obedience to the commands of the Persian Government.

an abstract translation of such paragraphs as have any public or political interest.

The article commences with a recapitulation of circumstances already known concerning the capture of Herat, the only new feature being that the last Governor of that town had, in order to propitiate the Persian Court, jointly with Prince Sultan Moorad Meerza, sent to Tehran a certain number of coins bearing the name and legend of the Shah. As to the statements of the Persian Government in this paragraph, setting forth that the Heratees (who had freely shed their blood in defence of their town, and had lived for months on horseflesh and offal rather than surrender it) now regretted having been so long deprived of the benefits and blessing of Persian rule, I can only say that the Persian Government must have a very high opinion of the credulity of human beings, if they imagine that even the most blind and ignorant of their own countrymen can believe such manifest absurdity.

Inclosure in No. 176.

Substance of an Article in the Tehran "Gazette" of the 28th Rebbiul-evvel (November 27, 1856).

(Translation.)

HUSSEIN KHAN, who was some time since dispatched to Herat by the Persian Ministers, and who served during the siege of that place, as well as at its capture, arrived nine days ago at the capital, accompanied by Serdar Mejeed Khan and Ismail Beg, one of Sam Khan Elkhanee's people. He was the bearer of letters from the Prince Governor of Khorassan, Sultan Moorad Meerza, to the Shah, and was introduced to the Royal Presence by the Deputy Master of Ceremonies, when His Majesty was seated on the Peacock Throne in the Hall of Audience, holding a grand levée. After he had stated briefly the contents of the letters he had brought, Meerza Mahomed Tekee, the Lessan-el-Moolk, read them aloud, in the manner customary in Persia, to the Shah, and to all those assembled in His Majesty's presence. One thousand gold pieces of the value of five shillings each, which had been struck in the name of the Shah at Herat, were presented on the part of the Prince Governor of Khorassan, and six hundred of the same coins on the part of Essan Khan, as offerings to His Majesty. They were examined, and approved of by him.

From what the Prince wrote, it would appear that after Herat had surrendered, and a garrison of Persian soldiers had occupied the city, his Royal Highness established order in the town, and general rejoicings ensued. The Affghans of Herat perceiving the kindness and attention shown to them by the Prince, and finding that no one was allowed to molest them in the slightest degree, felt the greatest remorse at having permitted themselves to be led astray for such a length of time by interested parties, suffering thereby great loss and destruction of life and property, and at having deprived themselves of such blessings and benefits.

The Affghans believed that bigotry and ill-feeling still existed between the members of the Sheeah and Soonnee sects of Mahomedanism, and that on this account they would suffer severe wrongs at the hands of the besieging army; but they forgot that both Sheeahs and Soonnees are equally followers of the Mahomedan creed, and that although there are some trifling differences in their tenets, still they are not the less brothers in faith. As the order issued by His Majesty the Shah, and published some ago in this "Gazette," enjoining the people of both sects, on pain of punishment, to avoid religious disputes, and treat each other with perfect forbearance and toleration, seems not to have reached these places, the article in question is now republished as follows, the same, word for word, as it formerly appeared, so that people may not suppose that it applied to that particular period only, and that it does not continue in force at the present moment.

(Extract.)

No. 177.

The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Cowley.

Foreign Office, January 27, 1857.

IF overtures are made to your Excellency by the Persian Ambassador, you will express your readiness to transmit to London any written proposals coming direct to your Exceliency from Ferokh Khan which may be likely to lead to the restoration of peace; and if Ferokh Khan expresses a desire to see you, you will grant him a private audience; but you will make him clearly understand that you have no powers or instructions to negotiate with him.

(Extract.)

No. 178.

Lord Cowley to the Earl of Clarendon.-(Received January 29.)

Paris, January 28, 1857. CAPTAIN LYNCH, of the Indian navy, called at the Embassy yesterday, and finding me out, made the following communication to Mr. Atlee. He had, he said, been invited by Ferokh Khan to call upon him, and having answered the summons had, in the course of conversation, been requested by the Ambassador to state to me that his Excellency was desirous of seeing me; that he greatly regretted the hostilities which had broken out between his country and Great Britain; and that he thought that the difference between the two Governments might be easily and satisfactorily arranged if I would grant him an interview.

I requested Captain Lynch to call upon me this morning. Before seeing Captain Lynch I received your Lordship's despatch of yesterday's date, in which your Lordship has laid down the rules I am to observe in case any overtures should be made to me by Ferokh Khan. I therefore requested Captain Lynch to see Ferokh Khan, and to state to him from me, that I had no instructions which would permit me to enter into communication with him, but that if he had any communication to make to Her Majesty's Government with a view of terminating hostilities between Great Britain and Persia, I would request him to put it in writing, when I would, if I considered it satisfactory, transmit it to London; but that I must fairly inform him that it would be useless to send, and, indeed, I could not be the channel of conveying, propositions at variance with the demands made by Her Majesty's Government and already known to him.

I authorized Captain Lynch to add that if it would be a satisfaction to Ferokh Khan to see me, and to hear from my own lips a repetition of my answer to his message, I would not object to receiving him in private, but in that case I must beg that he might be accompanied by Captain Lynch alone.

Captain Lynch said that such had been the proposition made by Ferokh Khan himself.

No. 179.

The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Cowley.

My Lord,

Foreign Office, January 30, 1857. HER Majesty's Government approve your Excellency's proceedings and language, as reported in your despatch of the 28th instant, on the subject of the request made by Ferokh Khan for an interview with your Excellency on the Persian question.

I am, &c.

(Extract.)

No. 180.

Lord Cowley to the Earl of Clarendon.—(Received February 3.)

Paris, February 1, 1857. FEROKH KHAN having persisted in his desire to see me, and having reiterated, through Captain Lynch, his belief that an interview between us might lead to the renewal of friendly relations between Great Britain and Persia, I felt it my duty to receive him, and accordingly appointed 3 o'clock this afternoon for his visit. He came accompanied by his interpreter, and, at my request, by Captain Lynch.

After the exchange of compliments required by eastern etiquette, Ferokh Khan expressed in general terms his conviction that, although hostilities were waging between Great Britain and Persia, there was no intention on the part of Her Majesty's Government to inflict permanent injury on his country. He could not but hope, therefore, that he might be the means of restoring the amicable relations which had been so unhappily disturbed between the two Governments. He professed that the English alliance was, and always had been, the basis of his own policy, and he asserted that the maintenance of it was equally the policy of the Shah and of his Government.

I replied that Ferokh Khan was right in supposing that Her Majesty's Government had no wish to inflict permanent injury on Persia. Their desire was to see Persia strong, flourishing, and independent. They had been driven reluctantly into this war, in consequence of the conduct of the Persian Government. It was, therefore, in the power of the Persian Government to apply the remedy to the evil which they had themselves created.

When we had advanced thus far, Ferokh Khan did not appear inclined to continue the conversation. He thanked me for the kind way in which I had received him, and expressed the hope that I would permit him to return on some future day, when he would enter at large upon the questions in dispute between the British and Persian Governments, and offer such explanations as, he trusted, would lead to the restoration of peace.

I said to Ferokh Khan that I was ready either to listen to him at the moment, or to leave it to him to fix some other time. I begged him, however, to recollect that I had no instructions to treat with him, and that I could do no more than convey to Her Majesty's Government any message that he might like to entrust to me, provided I considered the terms of it to be of a satisfactory nature. I reminded him that negotiations had been broken off between Her Majesty's Ambassador and himself at Constantinople, in consequence of his not having sufficient powers to treat on all the points insisted on by the British Government; and I said that it would be useless to attempt to renew communications with Her Majesty's Government unless he was authorized and prepared to concede those points. Nor indeed, I continued, could I say that conditions which had been put forward before hostilities had commenced would now be considered sufficient, though it stood to reason that the sooner the terms asked for by Her Majesty's Government were conceded, the more likely it was that they would not be increased. If, after hearing this, Ferokh Khan determined on making any statement to Her Majesty's Government through me, I must beg him, I said, to be clear, frank, and straightforward in his dealings; that, as far as I was concerned, I should be so with him.

Ferokh Khan, upon this, entered at once upon the points on which he had refused to treat at Constantinople, in the order in which I have now the honour to bring them before your Lordship.

First, then, he said that the Persian Government were ready to retire from Herat, to engage never again to attack that city, or to commit any aggression on Affghanistan, and even to refer matters of dispute that might arise with the Affghans to the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, provided the latter promised their good offices to prevent the Affghans from attacking Persia. Subsequently, when I summed up the conversation which had passed between us, Ferokh Khan was less explicit on this latter point. He said that Persia never could forego the right of repelling and punishing any tribes which might violate or disturb the Persian frontier. When, however, I explained to him that