the nation, and army, felt a strong interest in the possession of Saxony, in consideration of the efforts and sacrifices which they had made in the common cause, and the importance of the line of defence which it would have afforded. Nothing, perhaps, but a wish to conciliate the nations of Europe, and their receiving the line of the Elbe, could have induced them voluntarily to have relinquished their views.

With regard to Poland, his lordship had interested himself as much as possible, to procure a determination that would be equally satisfactory to all parties; and whatever might be the particular arrangements that the separate powers might adopt, they would all be dictated by the same spirit of liberality and justice that had governed the great states in all arrangements. The main object of conciliating the people would not be lost sight of, and they would be relieved from those local difficulties and personal disqualifica tions under which they formerly laboured. Whatever system of policy might formerly exist, the Poles would now be governed as Poles; and with regard to terri torial arrangement, and to the particular form of government that each possessor would establish, he wished the House to suspend any opinion until more detailed information was supplied. In erecting them into a separate kingdom, hon. gentlemen would not forget the many diffi

other sacrifice was made in favour of the king of Saxony. But while he stated this he would broadly contend that the right of conquest, under certain circumstances, would warrant the incorporation of the whole of one country with another. He did not wish to say any thing painful to the feelings of the sovereign of Saxony, whom he wished to continue long to reign over his Saxon subjects: he had fallen on unfortunate times; but if ever the principle of conquest had a legitimate application it was in the case of the king of Saxony. He had returned to his connec tion with France, after he was placed in circumstances which might have withdrawn him from it, if he had not thought the other course more for his interest. With respect to the principles of conquest, there was no writer who would deny that the country and people of a conquered enemy, with arms in their hands, did not fall a sacrifice to the conqueror. Happily this principle had been modified in modern warfare by two principles, the one the receiving a reasonable indemnification, and the other the reasonable security to be given to prevent the recurrence of future attack. It was no argument that other powers had also been in alliance with Buonaparté; for they had afterwards contributed to the salvation of Europe; and the compensation fell properly in an aggravated proportion, on the power which came last in. But the principle on which he conceived the measure of in-culties that must be encountered, not corporation unadvisable was, that it would have been a mischief to Prussia rather than an advantage; for the general feeling in Germany at the sacrifice of an ancient family, would have revolted against Prussia. Then came the proclamation of prince Repnin on delivering up the government to the Prussian authorities, which he really believed originated in one of those misconceptions to which the best officers were liable. When the proclamation first came into his hands, he (lord C.) lost no time in shewing it to the Prussian minister, who said that it was the first time he had seen it. Count Nesselrode, the Russian minister, made a similar declaration; and in return to an official note which he (lord C.) addressed to prince Hardenberg, that minister returned an official declaration that the proclamation was wholly unauthorized on the part of Prussia. Such were the unequivocal declarations of both these courts. It was true that the Prussian government, ተ

merely in procuring the assent of the monarchs who were interested, but in severing immense tracts of territory bound to its neighbour during a long course of years, until at length they had grown, as it were, into each other, and were sometimes incapable of separate existence.

In calling the attention of Parliament to those parts of the arrangements that more peculiarly regarded this country, he should have had less satisfaction, if, during the course of his mission, he had employed himself in obtaining concessions, the objects of which were merely the separate' aggrandizement and interest of Great Britain; but in the case of Holland, in whose establishment under the present system, we were individually deeply interested, the allied powers had felt, as they must feel, that they were all gaining an equivalent advantage. If it were impolitic for this country, as no one would deny, that France should in future possess the large naval resources supplied by a

servation of the general liberties of Europe. In noticing the treaty with Spain, upon which the hon. gentleman had commented, the noble lord expressed his conviction, that on procuring from that country in its present situation, an acknowledgment like that which had been referred to, much had been procured; and he thought that some reliance was to be placed upon the assurances given both by that country and by Portugal. He vindicated government from the imputation that they had not procured that proper neutrality between the king of Spain and his South American subjects; and he severely censured the hon. member who bad brought forward this subject, for recommending that the British nation should erect itself into an arbiter between a sovereign and his revolted subjects. His lordship never could prevail upon himself to pay any respect to opinions given to encourage rebellious subjects, and he thought that the individual who delivered them travelled far beyond the duty he owed to his own sovereign. He admitted that the scenes transacting in South America were

long line of coast from the Pyrennees to the Texel, it was not less the interest of the other states of Europe to prevent the application of such means; and at the same time, by erecting Holland into a powerful and independent kingdom, under the House of Orange, by the annexation of territory formerly belonging to Austria, an essential service was rendered to all the continental powers. It was but a tribute due to the sovereign now reigning, to say, that none of the high individuals had been more successful in gaining the confidence of his subjects, by persevering endeavours for their benefit, by liberality in the exercise of his authority, and by a happy talent of drawing resources equally from all parts of the dominions so recently placed in his hands. What he had said of Holland would apply equally to Hanover: the Sovereign of Great Britain had not consulted merely his own private interests, and his allies were sensible of the enlarged views upon which he had acted. On this point there had always been some degree of jealousy in this country; but he was rather inclined to think that Hanover had, generally speak-disgusting and painful; he allowed also ing, suffered more than she had gained from the connexion. Its people had recently proved themselves faithful supporters of Great Britain; and he would say that there had not been a more efficient, more faithful, and honest body of men in our service than the Hanoverian Legion; they amounted to not less than 12,000 men, to which number they had always been kept up by voluntary enrolment, and it was not too much to say that the absence of such a corps might have had a most injurious effect on our military exertions. The preservation of the importance of Hanover, as a constituent state of Germany, should therefore be dear to us, as well in this point of view, as from its connexion with our reigning family. The increase of territory she had received tended to consolidate her connexion with this country, by the extent of sea coast which it gave her: while liable to be intercepted from this country, her efficiency was less considerable. From the moment also she was in close contact with Holland for an extent of 150 miles; this naturally contributed to strengthen and protect her. Neither was this a connexion of which our continental allies were at all disposed to feel jealous. They were thoroughly convinced that no interest was felt so strongly in this country as the con

that Spain, with respect to commerce, had not conducted herself with the liberality we had deserved, but that clouds of prejudice prevented her from seeing how nearly her own interests were connected with those of this country.

The noble lord said, he concurred in several parts of what the hon. member had said regarding the events that had recently occurred in France. What course of policy England would pursue in regard to the convulsion by which France was at present agitated, he could not venture to state, but upon the issue of that contest much of the happiness and repose of the world in future depended. If Buonaparté succeeded in re-establishing his authority in France, peace must be despaired of; at least such a peace as we had recently the hope of enjoying. The question now was, whether Europe must once more return to that dreadful system which it had so long pursued; whether Europe was again to become a series of armed nations, and whether Great Britain among them was to abandon that wholesome state into which she was now settling, to resume her station as a military people, and again to struggle for the independence of the world? These were questions of no small magnitude, depending upon events now in issue, depending upon a new and an

dependent upon an envoy at Vienna, whether it should or should not be submissively silent. In his view the noble lord's ex

be made from the Prince Regent in the manner which a just sense of the greatness of the subject, and the respect due to that House, required. Arrangements so extensive and important had never before taken place in Europe at one time, and their lordships ought to be made acquainted with the circumstances without delay.

The Earl of Liverpool replied, that there was every inclination on the part of ministers to advise the Prince Regent to make every communication to the House that might be consistent with the public service. He had before stated, that the communication should be made when the arrangements were completed, as far as this could be done without injury to the public service. They were not all completed; but he had no objection now to state, that the arrangements which had already taken place would be communi

planation was complete and satisfactory in no one point. Regarding that large tract of territory upon the left bank of the Rhine, the noble lord had given no information; and as to Belgium, Saxony, and Genoa, the information given was altogether delusive. What did the noble lord mean to say regarding the Poles? Did he mean to be understood? What was meant by the Poles being governed like Poles? unless indeed, as had been long the case with that unhappy people, they were to be continued in a state of bondage to the will of their temporary masters. As to Saxony, the noble lord had said, that the proclamation of prince Repnin was unauthorized; but who could tell whether, on the remonstrance being made, it had not been diplomatically disavowed by Prussia, while the agent was abandoned? Hecated from the Prince Regent soon after would again repeat the question, Why did the noble lord go to Vienna, and why did he come back? Because he was ordered, was the answer. Who ordered him? Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and the Master of the Mint; and yet the noble lord had talked so soundingly of his responsibility, and his confidence in himself, which enabled him to decide upon points without instructions, which would have delayed the mighty machine of Congress. He hoped, as Buonaparté had said, that the Congress was now dissolved, and that it would not turn out that what in his hands they had called robbery and plunder, in their holy keeping was vested right and legal property.

Mr. Wilberforce expressed his satisfaction at what had been done respecting the Slave Trade.

The Address was then agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, March 21.

CONGRESS AT VIENNA.] The Marquis Wellesley wished to know whether it was the intention of ministers to make any communication, as from the Executive Government to that House on the subject of the arrangements at Vienna. Considering the immense magnitude of the interests concerned, and the consequences with which they might be attended in regard to this country, it was fitting that some authoritative communication should ( VOL. XXX. )

the recess. In answer to a question from the marquis of Buckingham, he said, that the papers respecting Genoa would be included; in answer to a question from earl Grey, he said, that he could not pledge himself as to the possibility of laying the papers on the table previous to the recess, so that they might be considered in the interim; and in answer to a question from lord Grenville, he stated, that he should take care to have the printed copies on the table as soon as the papers were laid there.

BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] The order of the day for the third reading of the Bank Restriction Bill being read,

The Earl of Liverpool rose and said, that he could anticipate no objection to the third reading of this Bill, because, however they might have differed formerly on the subject, no one would contend that the present was the proper period for resuming cash payments. Considering all the circumstances that had taken place previous to the termination of hostilities, the consequences of which were still heavily felt, this must be considered as of all others the least favourable moment for putting an end to the restriction. The Bill was made to expire on the 5th of July, 1816, and this period had been fixed upon with two views; first, that the Legislature might have the subject under consideration in the course of the next session; and second, because some hopes were entertained that by the

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