regulated by the legislature. A representative must have been a citizen of one of the United States for three years, and be a resident in the district, or have resided three years in the district; in either case, to have the fee-simple of two hundred acres of land in the district. An elector was to reside in the district, have a freehold in fifty acres of land therein, and be a citizen of one of the states, or a like freehold, and two years residence. The representatives to be chosen for two years.

The legislative council was to consist of five persons, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by congress, chosen in the following manner-the house of representatives to nominate ten persons, each possessed of a freehold in five hundred acres of land-out of this number, congress were to appoint five to constitute the council. The general assembly had power to make laws, for the government of the district, not repugnant to the ordinance. All laws to have the sanction of a majority of both houses, and also the assent of the governor. The legislative assembly, were authorized by joint ballot, to elect a delegate who was to have a seat in congress, with the right of debating, but not of voting.

It was necessary, also, to establish certain principles, as the basis of the laws, constitutions, and governments, which might be formed in the territory, as well as to provide for its future political connection with the American confederacy. Congress, therefore, at the same time, established certain articles, which were to be considered as articles of compact, between the original states and the people in the territory, and which were to remain unalterable, unless by common consent. By these, no person in the territory was ever to be molested, on account of his mode of worship, or religious sentiments; and every person was entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, trial by jury, and all those other fundamental rights, usually inserted in American bills of rights. Schools and the means of education were forever to be encouraged, and the utmost good faith to be observed towards the Indians; particularly their lands and property were never to be taken from them, with

out their consent. The territory, and the states that might be formed therein, were forever to remain a part of the American confederacy; but not less than three, nor more than five states were to be established.

The bounds of these states were fixed, with liberty for congress to alter them by forming one or two new states in that part of the territory lying north of an east and west line drawn through the southern bend, or extreme of lake Michigan. It was also provided, that whenever in any of those states, there should be sixty thousand free inhabitants, such state was to be admitted into the union, on the same footing with the original states in all respects whatever; and be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and state government; such constitution and government, however, was to be republican, and conformable to the principles of the articles. If consistent with the general interest of the confederation, such state, however, might be admitted as a member of the union, with a less number than sixty thousand free inhabitants.

By the sixth and last article it was provided, there should be neither slavery or involuntary servitude in the territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, of which the party should have been duly convicted.* In consequence of this last wise and salutary provision, the evil of slavery has been prevented in all the new states formed out of this territory north and west of the river Ohio.†

While congress were thus forming a government for the territory, and laying the foundation of future new states at the west, they had lost all authority over the old states at the east. Many causes combined, at this period, to produce great distress, discontent and disaffection in different parts of the union. The general government, as before stated, was totally inefficient, and the authority of the state governments greatly weakened, and in some instances almost destroyed.

In addition to the debts of the union, the states individually had also incurred large debts during the war, for the payment of which

Mr. Dane, of Massachusetts, it is said was the author of this article. † Note 18.

they were called upon by their creditors. Immediately after peace, in consequence of large importations of foreign goods, particularly from Great Britain, large debts were contracted by individuals, and which, from the want of internal as well as external resources, they were unable to pay. The people were pressed at the same time for the payment of the debts of the union, of the individual states, and of their own private debts. The courts of justice, which had been shut during the war, were filled with private suits. Under these circumstances, some of the states had recourse to the desperate expedient of paper money; others made personal property a tender, at an appraised value, in satisfaction of debts; and in Massachusetts, not only were the judges in several counties prevented from holding courts, but the government itself, in other respects, set at defiance, by an open and formidable insurrection of the people.

The enemies of the revolution, who had predicted that the Americans, when separated from their parent country, would be unable to govern themselves, but fall into confusion, now secretly rejoiced at the verification of their predictions. Its friends began almost to despair of the commonwealth, and at times were led to doubt, whether the people of America were indeed capable of self-government.

The only remedy that promised relief, was an essential alteration in the national compact. No amendments, however, could be made to the confederation, without the assent of every state in the union. Experience had proved that no relief could be expected from this quarter.

The state of American affairs at this period, is depicted in gloomy colors, by some of the great actors in the revolution, in their communications with each other; and the views and feelings of such men as have been styled "the guide-posts and landmarks in a state," at such a crisis, become extremely interesting.

As early as 1784, general Washington in a letter to the governor of Virginia, referring to the want of power in the federal government, says, "the disinclination of the individual states to yield competent powers to congress for the federal government,

their unreasonable jealousy of that body, and of one another, and the disposition which seems to pervade each, of being all-wise and all-powerful within itself, will, if there is not a change in the system, be our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me, as A, B, C, and I think we have opposed Great Britain, and have arrived at the present state of peace and independency to very little purpose, if we cannot conquer our own prejudices. The powers of Europe begin to see this, and our newly acquired friends, the British, are already acting upon this ground; and wisely too, if we are determined in our folly. They know that individual opposition to their measures is futile, and boast that we are not sufficiently united as a nation to give a general one! Is not the indignity alone of this declaration, while we are in the act of peacemaking and reconciliation, sufficient to stimulate us to vest more extensive and adequate powers in the sovereigns of of these United States? 99*

Mr. Jay, in a letter to general Washington, in March, 1786, observed, "you have wisely retired from public employments, and view, from the temple of fame, the various exertions of that sovereignty and independence, which providence has enabled you to be so greatly and gloriously instrumental, in securing to your country; yet I am persuaded, you cannot view them with the eye of an unconcerned spectator. Experience has pointed out errors in our national government, which call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from our tree of liberty. The convention proposed by Virginia, may do some good, and would, perhaps, do more, if it comprehended more objects. An opinion begins to prevail, that a general convention for revising the articles of confederation, would be expedient. Whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be obtained by it, is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain.

"I think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of considerations and circumstances, give me uneasiness. It is in contemplation to take measures for forming a general convention. * North American Review for October, 1827, p. 259.

The plan is not matured. If it should be well concerted and take effect, I am fervent in wishes, that it may comport with the line of life you have marked out for yourself, to favor your country with your councils, on such an important and single occasion. I suggest this, merely as a hint for your consideration."

In a second letter to general Washington, in June of the same year, his feelings and views are thus expressed. "Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution, something that I cannot foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and apprehensive, more so than during the war. Then we had a fixed object, and though the means and time of obtaining it, were often problematical, yet I did firmly believe, that justice was with us. The case is now altered. We are going and doing wrong, and, therefore, I look forward to evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature or measure of them. That we shall again recover, and things again go well, I have no doubt. Such a variety of circumstances would not, almost miraculously, have combined to liberate and make us a nation, for transient and unimportant purposes. I, therefore, believe, we are yet to become a great and respectable people-but when and how, only the spirit of prophecy can discern.

"What I most fear," he added, " is, that the better kind of people (by which I mean the people, who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situation, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led, by the insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the claims of liberty as imaginary and delusive. This state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security.”

"Your statements," said general Washington, in reply to these communications," that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is also beyond my foresight. We have errors to correct; we have, probably, had too good an opinion of human nature, in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us, that men will not adopt and