in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality, (except Indians not paying taxes,) in each state, the number to be taken every three years. As this included slaves, strong objections were made by the states having this species of population, and an alteration was proposed and finally carried, that the expenses of the union, should be borne by the states in proportion to the value of all lands granted to, or surveyed for any person, and the buildings and improvements thereon, to be estimated according to such mode as congress should direct.

The states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut were opposed to this alteration; the states of New York and Pennsylvania divided, and the states of New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, in its favor.

Some of the states were of opinion, that congress should be invested with the power of settling and fixing the limits of such states, as claimed to the Mississippi, or south sea, by virtue of their . original charters or grants, and that the lands beyond such limits, should enure to the benefit of the United States. An amendment was, therefore, proposed, that congress should have the sole and exclusive power, to ascertain and fix the western boundary of such states, as claimed to the south sea, and to dispose of all lands beyond such boundary, for the benefit of the union.

This being negatived, the proposition was varied, providing that congress should fix the western bounds of each state, and lay out the lands beyond such bounds into new states.

Maryland voted for this amendment, New Jersey was divided, and the other states were against it. The following circular letter to the states accompanied this system.

Congress having agreed upon a plan of confederacy for securing the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the United States, authentic copies are now transmitted for the consideration of the respective legislatures. The business, equally intricate and important, has in its progress been attended with uncommon embarrassments and delay, which the most anxious solicitude and persevering diligence could not prevent.

"To form a permanent union, accommodated to the opinion and wishes of the delegates of so many states, differing in habits, produce, commerce, and internal police, was found to be a work which nothing but time and reflection, conspiring with a dispo sition to conciliate, could mature and accomplish. Hardly is it to be expected that any plan, in the variety of provisions essential to our union, should exactly correspond with the maxims and political views of every particular state. Let it be remarked, that after the most careful inquiry, and the fullest information, this is proposed as the best which could be adapted to the circumstances of all, and as that alone which affords any tolerable prospect of general ratification. Permit us then earnestly to recommend these articles to the immediate and dispassionate attention of the legislatures of the respective states. Let them be candidly reviewed under a sense of the difficulty of combining in one general system the various sentiments and interests of a continent divided into so many sovereign and independent communities, under a conviction of the absolute necessity of uniting all our councils and all our strength to maintain and defend our common liberties. Let them be examined with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow citizens surrounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply interested in being forever bound and connected together by ties the most intimate and indissoluble.

"And finally, let them be adjusted with the temper and magnanimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are concerned for the prosperity of their own more immediate circle, are capable of rising superior to local attachments when they may be incompatible with the safety, happiness and glory of the general confederacy.

“We have reason to regret the time which has elapsed in preparing this plan for consideration. With additional solicitude we look forward to that which must be necessarily spent before it can be ratified. Every motive loudly calls upon us to hasten its conclusion.

"More than any other consideration, it will confound our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, support our public credit, restore the value of our money, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect to our councils at home, and to our treaties abroad.

"In short, this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It seems essential to our very existence as a free people; and without it, we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to liberty, and safety; blessings which, from the justice of our cause and the favor of our Almighty Creator, visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to expect, if, in an humble dependence on his divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our power. To conclude, if the legislature of any state shall not be assembled, congress recommend to the executive authority to convene it without delay; and to each respective legislature, it is recommended to invest its delegates with competent powers ultimately, in the name and behalf of the state, to subscribe articles of confederation and perpetual union of the United States, and to attend congress for that purpose, on or before the 10th day of March, 1778."

The plan was considered by the legislatures of the several states, in the winter of 1778, and by some was adopted without amendments, by others, various amendments were proposed.

In June 1778, the delegates from the several states, in congress, were called upon for their instructions, on this important subject. New Hampshire, New York, Virginia and North Carolina, had adopted the plan, without amendments; but some material alterations were proposed by the others; all the states however, except New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland, had instructed their delegates to ratify the articles, even if the amendments proposed by them, should be rejected by congress.

These various amendments show the views of the states, at that period, on the new and important subject of a confederacy. One of the principal objections of Maryland, as well as some of the other states, was, that the western lands were not secured

for the benefit of the union. In pursuance of their instructions, the 'Maryland delegates proposed an amendment, vesting congress with power "to appoint commissioners, who should be fully authorized and empowered to ascertain and restrict the boundaries of such of the confederated states which claim to extend to the river Mississippi or south sea."

On this interesting question the states were almost equally divided; Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, were in favor of the amendment, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia against it, and New York divided, the delegates from North Carolina not being present.

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Massachusetts proposed that the rule for settling the proportion of taxes to be paid by each state, should be reconsidered, so that the rule of apportionment might be varied from time to time, by congress, until experience shall have shown what rule of apportionment shall be most equal, and consequently most just."

This state also, recommended the reconsideration of the rule of apportioning the number of forces to be raised by each state on the requisition of congress.

These amendments were negatived; two states only voting for the first, and three for the second.

Rhode Island felt a strong interest in having a share in the western lands; she therefore proposed an amendment, providing "that all lands within those states, the property of which, before the present war, was vested in the crown of Great Britain, or out of which revenues from quit-rents arise payable to the said crown, shall be deemed, taken, and considered, as the property of these United States, and be disposed of and appropriated by congress, for the benefit of the whole confederacy, reserving, however, to the states within whose limits such crown lands may be, the entire and complete jurisdiction thereof."

Connecticut not only recommended that the taxes to be paid by each state, should be in proportion to its number of inhabitants, instead of the value of its lands, but also the following limitation of the powers of the general government, in relation to a stand

ing army "Provided that no land army shall be kept up by the United States in time of peace, nor any officers or pensioners kept in pay by them, who are not in actual service, except such as are, or may be rendered unable to support themselves by wounds received in battle in the service of the said states, agreeably to the provisions already made by a resolution of congress."

The most material amendment suggested by Pennsylvania, was, that the number of land forces to be furnished by each state, should be according to the whole number of inhabitants of every description, instead of the white inhabitants as provided in the articles.

South Carolina was jealous of the power conferred upon the general government, in relation to a military force. She proposed that "the troops to be raised should be deemed the troops of that state by which they are raised. The congress or grand council of the states may, when they think proper, make requisition of any state for two thirds of the troops to be raised, which requisition shall be binding upon the said states respectively; but the remaining third shall not be liable to be drawn out of the state, in which they are raised, without the consent of the executive authority of the same. When any forces are raised, they shall be under the command of the executive authority of the state in which they are so raised, unless they be joined by troops from any other state, in which case the congress or grand council of the states may appoint a general officer to take the command of the whole; and until the same can be done, the command shall be in the senior officer present, who shall be amenable for his conduct to the executive authority of the state in which the troops are, and shall be liable to be suspended thereby. The expenses of the troops so to be raised shall be defrayed by the state to which they belong; but when called into service by the United States, they shall be fed and paid at the expense of the United States."

South Carolina also suggested, that the lands and improvements thereon, should be valued by persons to be appointed by the legislatures of the respective states, at least once in ten years,