mund Randolph, Esq. was appointed to the office of attórney-general.

The dignity, fidelity, and respectability with which these characters filled their several offices, not only justified the wisdom, and discernment of the president, in their recommendation; but may justly be considered as the highest eulogy on their public, and private characters.

The president next proceeded to nominate the judiciary department, and at the head of this he placed Mr. Jay.

With Mr. Jay were associated, John Rutledge of SouthCarolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, William Cushing of Massachusetts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, and John Blair of Virginia.

The same anxious solicitude attended the president in selecting the officers of the district courts, and thus through the wisdom, and integrity of the president, the departments of government were filled with the first weight of talents, and respectability, as well as responsibility, the nation could afford.

Who that surveys the weight of talents, and character attached to the office of president, vice-president, and through all the above departments, can fail to acknowledge; that such an assemblage of virtue, and dignified worth, has rarely, if ever been attached to any government on earth.

Congress next passed the following resolutions.

1. "That the house consider an adequate provision for the support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance to the national honor, and prosperity.

2. "That the secretary of the treasury be directed to prepare a plan for that purpose, and report the same to the house at their next meeting."

Congress then adjourned on the 29th of September, to the 1st day of January next.

What wisdom, what firmness, what integrity, what zeal for the public good, and yet what concord, and unanimity, between the several departments of government! All, all conspired to shew that the wisdom of God, the power of God, and the goodness of God, were all conspicuously displayed in laying the foundation of the government of Federal America.

During the recess of Congress, the president made a tour through New England, accompanied by Maj. Jackson, and Mr. Lear, his private secretary. The president commenced this tour on the 15th of October, and extended his route as far as Portsmouth; visited the theatre of the first campaign of the war, and returned to New-York on the 13th of November.

.

To shew the numerous expressions of affection, and respect, which flowed from the constituted authorities, corporate bodies, religious, and learned institutions, particular trades, and occupations, the militia, together with all classess of citizens, who vied with each other in their respectful, and affectionate addresses, illuminations, military parades, triumphal arches, &c. would exceed the powers of my pen.

The affectionate warmth, and sincerity, with which President Washington reciprocated the addresses of his fellow citizens, may be seen in the following sample of his reply to the address of the citizens of the town of Bos

ton.

"I rejoice with you, my fellow citizens, in every cir cumstance that declares your prosperity; and I do so most cordially, because you have well deserved to be happy.

"Your love of liberty; your respect for the laws; your habits of industry; and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and

individual happiness. And they will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established."

Pending these movements, Gen. Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Col. Humphries, as commissioners, specially deputed on the part of the United States, held a treaty with Mc Gillivray, and other chiefs of the Creek Nation, on the banks of the Oconee; but by the interposition of Spanish influence, the treaty failed, and the commissioners returned.

In the month of November, North-Carolina, by her state convention, adopted the constitution, and thus acceded to the Union.

On the 8th of January, 1790, the president opened the second session of the first Congress, by a dignified address to both houses, convened in the senate chamber.

In

this speech, the president called up the attention of Congress to the necessity of providing for the public defence, by a well regulated militia, and also recommended a serious attention to such manufactories as might be essential to their military defence. The sentiments of the president upon literature were thus expressed." Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion, that there' is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science, and literature. Knowledge is ! in every country, the surest basis of public happiness.?i &c.

After applauding the disposition of Congress, shewn the last session, towards an adequate provision for the support of public credit, he thus concludes.

The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares, and efforts ought to be directed: I shall derive great satisfaction from a co-operation with you in the pleasing, though arduous task, of ensuring to our fel

low citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government."

These sentiments were echoed from both houses, with the most affectionate zeal, and concord.

The report of the secretary of the treasury, in obedience to the resolution of Congress, of the 21st of September, claimed the next attention of Congress.

This luminous report of the secretary of the treasury, on which were suspended the good faith of United America, and perhaps the very existence of the govern-ment itself, was accompanied with the following remarks.

"Good faith is recommended not only by the strongest inducements of political expediency; but is enforced by considerations of still greater authority. These are arguments for it, which rest on the immediate principles of moral obligation; and in proportion as the mind is disposed to contemplate in the order of Providence, an intimate connection between public virtue, and public happiness, will be its repugnance to a violation of those principles.

"This observation, (he added,) derives additional strength, from, the nature of the debt of the United States. It is the price of liberty. The faith of America has been repeatedly pledged for it, with solemnities that gave pecaliar force to the obligation," &c.

On the 28th of January, the subject of the report of the secretary of the treasury came regularly before the house, and was postponed to the 8th of February, to give time for reflection, and consideration.

On the 8th of February, Congress resumed this interesting and important subject, which opened a field of debate that shook the government to its foundation. The subject of making adequate provision for the foreign debt

was met cordially, and unanimously; but the subject of the provision for the domestic debt, which had been, and continued to be the object of the corruptest speculations, excited great warmth of feeling, and may fairly be said to be the origin of all that division of sentiment and feeling, which agitated, and continues to agitate, the national councils. The evidences of domestic debt were then current in market at 2s. 6d. on the pound, and this it was contended, was all that the holders of the debt had a right to claim. To this it was objected, that the original holders of their evidences of public debt ought not to be defrauded of their just rights, because knaves, and fools had parted with theirs for a less sum than its nominal value.

Mr. Madison then attempted to introduce a resolution that would do justice to both parties, by granting to the original holder the full value of the face of his debt, and to the speculator the full value of what he honestly paid in fair market. This opened a torrent of debate, with such warmth and zeal as shook the government to its centre. The resolution was lost. The report of the secretary of the treasury, that the full amount of all the debts should be religiously paid, as therein expressed, was finally carried.

The next question that claimed the attention of Congress, was the assumption of the state debts.

A resolution to effect this was accordingly introduced, that again opened a torrent of debate, in which it was urged by the opposition, that it was not only unconstitutional, but would have a tendency to destroy the state governments. To this it was urged, that it would become the most effectual means of strengthening, and confirming the union. The resolution finally prevailed.

Pending this discussion the question for fixing the permanent seat of government was brought into view, and