At this eventful period Mr. Jay, in a letter to Gen. Washington, bearing date March 1786, thus expressed himself" You have wisely retired from public employments; and calmly view, from the temple of fame, the various exertions of that sovereignty, and independence which Providence has enabled you to be so greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to your country; yet I am persuaded you cannot view them with the eye of an unconcerned spectator.

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Experience has pointed out errors in our national government which call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from our tree of liberty. The convention proposed by Virginia,* may do some good, and would perhaps do more, if it comprehended more objects. An opinion begins to prevail that a general convention, for the revising the articles of confederation, would be expedient; whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be obtained by it, is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain.

“I think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness. It is in contemplation to take measures for forming a general convention. The plan is not matured. If it should be well connected, and take effect, I am fervent in my wishes that it may comport with the line of life you have marked out for yourself, to favour your country with your coun sels on such an important occasion. I suggest this merely as a hint for your consideration."

Again on the 27th of June, Mr. Jay addressed the following sentiments to Gen. Washington.

* To take into consideration the expediency of keeping a naval force in the Chesapeak, &c,

"Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution; something that I cannot foresee, or conjecture. I am more apprehensive than during the war. Then we had a fixed object, and though the means and time of obtaining it were often problematical; yet I did firmly believe that justice was with us. The case is now altered; we are going and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils, and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them.

"That we shall again recover, and things go well, I have no doubt. Such a variety of circumstances would not almost miracuously, have combined to liberate, and make us a nation, for transient, and unimportant poses. I therefore believe we are yet to become a great and resectable people. But when or how, only the spirit of prophecy can discern.

"There doubtless is much reason to think and to say, that we are wofully, and in many instances, wickedly misled. Private rage for property, surpasses public considerations, and personal rather than national interests, have become the great objects of attention. Representative bodies will ever be faithful copies of their originals, and generally exhibit a chequered assemblage of virtue, and vice; of abilities and weakness. The mass of men are neither wise nor good, and the virtue, like the other resources of a country, can only be drawn to a point by strong circumstances, ably managed, or strong governments ably administered. New governments have not the aid of habit and hereditary respect, and being generally the result of preceding tumult, and confusion, do not readily acquire stability and strength. Besides, in times of commotion, some men will gain confidence, and importance, who merit neither; and who, like political mountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of the credulous crowd, then of making the most of their nostrums, and prescriptions.

"What I most fear is that the better kind of people, (by which I mean 'the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situations, and not uneasy in their circumstances,) will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want of public faith, and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary, and delusive. A state of uncertainty and fluctuation, must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet, and security."

General Washington in his reply to the above, thus expressed himself :

"Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature, in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us, that men will not adopt, and carry into execution, measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive that we can exist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power, which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states, &c.

"What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government, without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable, and tremendous! What a triumph to our enemies, to verify their predictions! What a triumph to the advocates of despotism, to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty,

are merely ideal, and fallacious! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.

"Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge, I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. Nor can it be expected that my sentiments, and opinions, would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy, in the most solemn manner. I had then perhaps some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present. The convention before mentioned convened at Annapolis, and upon mature deliberation and reflection, dissolved their session, without even beginning to act, upon the ground, that more extensive powers, as well as a more enlarged body were become of the most urgent necessity to take into consideration the state of the government, and the nation."

This convention made their report to the legislature of Virginia, who proceeded immediately to pass an act for the appointment of deputies to meet such as might be appointed by other states, to assemble at Philadelphia, at the time, (viz. on the 2d of May next,) and for the purpose specified in the recommendation of the convention of Annapolis.

Mr. Madison communicated to Gen. Washington, the intentions of the legislature, of placing his name at the head of the Virginia delegation. To which the general thus replied.

"Although I have bid adieu to the public walks of life, and had resolved never more to tread that theatre; yet if upon an occasion so interesting as the present, to the well

being of the confederacy, it had been the wish of the assembly that I should be an associate in the business of revising the federal system, I should, from a sense of the obligation I am under for repeated proofs of confidence in me, more than from any opinion I could entertain of my usefulness, have obeyed its call; but it is now out of my power to do this, with any degree of consistency; the cause I will mention.

"I presume you have heard sir, that I was first appointed, and have since been re-appointed president of the society of the Cincinnati; and you may have understood also, that the triennial meeting of that body is to be held at Philadelphia, on the first Monday in May next. Various considerations induced me to address a circular on the 31st ultimo, to each state society, informing them of my intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be re-chosen president. The vice-president is also informed of this, that the business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. Under these circumstances it will readily be perceived that I could not appear at the same time and place on any other occasion, without giving offence to a very respectable and deserving part of the community, the late officers of the American army."

The ligislature took this letter into consideration, and finally concluded to appoint his Excellency George Washington, as one of their delegates to the convention.

The governor of Virginia, Mr. Randolph, who was also elected, made the following communication to General Washington.

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Sir-By the enclosed act you will readily discover that the assembly are alarmed at the storms which threaten the United States. What our enemies have foretold seems to be hastening to its accomplishment, and cannot be frustratVOL. IH.

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