hound, to run down the game. It is its demerit, that it has suffered the hound to appropriate the game mostly to his own. maw. In the nature of things this cannot continue. Political Science declares that either the political system which aims at equality or the economic system which aims at inequality must perish. History declares that truths which have once been embodied in crude form, as in the village communes of the Middle Ages, ever reappear in higher form. Our classmate, as law school orator,* declares, that "the way of America is toward equality; the stars in their courses' are fighting for it." Current experience attests the increasing restrictions which public interest is imposing on individual liberty, especially in city life. The Asiatic patience, with which the most onerous fetters upon lucrative international exchanges have been borne for the sake of a supposed public interest, furnishes a truly crucial experiment of the feasibility of more salutary restrictions upon some undoubted usurpations. Above all, Christian ethics, in its republication of the primitive Gospel with its enthusiasm for man as man, strikes the keynote and inspires the power of the coming reaction: "Change your minds, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand," a social order more harmonious and stable, because more just and merciful. Doubtless, as in the Messianic vision, some mighty will be put down, and many of low degree exalted; but the Alpine highland, distributed between sky-piercing peaks and Tartarean gorges, with but here and there a vale of Chamounix, may well be exchanged for the tropical table-land, whose guardian ranges behold from a lower altitude the wide-spread fields luxuriant with the corn, the cane, and the vine. The fruits of civilization, won as they have been through the genius or prowess of the poor of this world, the liberators, discoverers, reformers, who were rich in faith alone,-are subject to no law of primogeniture, but belong to all in an heritage of equal opportunities. Therefore, as Professor Bascom has said, "the whole drift of law must be corrective of that overshadowing power which so easily falls to a few, and restorative, with unwearied watchfulness, of the conditions of hopeful labor to the masses of men." Then to our roaring and fateful age of iron will succeed, kindly and free, the age of man.

*The Hon. Wayne McVeagh.

Finally-though our day be far spent, its last charge has not been made, or its last honors won. After whatever blind encounter or baffled endeavor, we may be certain what is the key of the whole field, and thither may follow the flag, should we be unable to lead. With our faces turned from the setting to the rising sun, we may discern the growing ascendency of the ethical power that is to sway the coming age. Upon our pledge of fealty we may receive its guarantee for our children of a true and stable commonwealth, secured in social order and progress by social justice, as in the Republic of God.

ARTICLE IV.-YALE IN THE REVOLUTION.

Yale and her Honor-roll in the American Revolution, 17751783: including original letters, record of service, and biographical sketches. By HENRY P. JOHNSTON. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1888. Large 8vo, pp. xi., 357.

IN that speech-so well known to every American schoolboy —which Mr. Edmund Burke made in the British Parliament just before the beginning of the Revolution of 1776, and in which he advocated "conciliation with America," he reminded those who were disposed to use force in ruling the colonists, of the danger of attempting it. In order to impress his hearers with the magnitude of this danger, he proceeded to enumerate six "capital" causes from which, as he said, "a fierce spirit of liberty has grown with the growth of the people of the colonies, and increased with the increase of their wealth;" and he warned parliament that this spirit, "unhappily meeting with an exercise of power in England which was not reconcilable with the ideas of liberty" which the Americans had derived from their English ancestors, had kindled a flame which the mother country could only quench by removing the grievances of which they complained.

The first of these six "capital" causes that Mr. Burke mentioned is that the people of the colonies are "descendants of Englishmen," and of Englishmen who had emigrated from England at that period of her history when, more than at any other period, "the love of liberty was high, and in the emigrants was the highest of all." It was under the inspiration of this spirit, he said, the colonists took their "bias and direction the moment they parted from your hands." The Americans are, therefore, "not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas and on English principles." The second of these "capital" causes is that the people of the colonies are Protestants, and "of that kind which is the most adverse to all implicit submission of mind and opinion;" and which, in the Northern colonies especially, is even "a refinement on the prin

ciple of resistance, the dissidence of dissent, and the Protestantism of the Protestant religion." He admitted that the Church of England had a foothold in the colonies, but notwithstanding it had legal rights, he says, "it is in reality no more than a private sect, not composing, most probably, the tenth of the people." The third of these "capital" causes is education, which, he says, is "on the same unalterable bottom with their religion, and has contributed no mean part toward the growth of the untractable spirit which characterizes them." As a consequence of the general education of the colonists, there is no country in the world where law is so general a study. "All who read, and most do read, endeavor to obtain some smattering in that science." He says that an eminent bookseller has told him that nearly as many copies of Blackstone's "Commentaries" have been sold in America as in England. "This study of the law renders men acute, inquisitive, dexterous, prompt in attack, ready in defence, full of resources." In other countries, he says, "the people, more simple, and of a less mercurial cast, judge of an ill principle in government only by an actual grievance; here they anticipate the evil, and judge of the pressure of the grievance by the badness of the principle. They augur misgovernment at a distance, and snuff the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze."

We have been reminded of this speech of Mr. Burke on "Conciliation in America," and of his six "capital" causes of the spirit of resistance to English misrule which our ancestors displayed, as we have turned over the pages of the interesting book whose title we have placed at the head of the remarks which the space at our command requires should be very brief.

During the past thirteen years, the American people have had recalled to their minds by "centennial celebrations," all the leading events from Lexington and Concord that took place during the Revolution which Mr. Burke strove to avert, till now we are about to celebrate the adoption of the Constitution, and the inauguration of Washington as our first president. As the years have rolled on, everything connected with the Revolution-its causes, its history-has been carefully studied anew, and the results have been given to the public. We have been told what we owe to the Hollanders who settled

in New York; what we owe to the Huguenots, in all their wide dispersion from Fanueil Hall to Charleston; what we owe to the Germans; what to the Anglo-Irish; and what to the Scotch-Irish. But it has been left to the author of "Yale in the Revolution" to call attention, as Mr. Burke did, to what we owe to "education."

With assiduous labor Professor Johnston has been studying for years the history of the graduates of his alma mater and has at last published this beautiful monograph of nearly three hundred pages-a true labor of love-in which he has attempted to show what the Revolution owes to the sons of Yale. But though he has devoted himself to the history of a single college, and given an account only of what her graduates accomplished, he has not done his work in any narrow spirit. He was led to attempt it, as he says, because he had been impressed by the amount of service which the liberally educated men of the country rendered in the Revolution, and because he had the hope that the graduates of other colleges might be inspired to do something similar for their own fellow alumni. If his example shall be followed, it will then be made to appear what the whole body of college graduates-twenty-five hundred in number, as he says they were at the time of the Revolution -did for our national independence.

In 1776, there were few persons in the colonies who were distinctively known as professional men except the ministers. There were then nine colleges. Three of these had been in existence over seventy years. Harvard had been founded in 1636; William and Mary in 1693; Yale in 1700.* Princeton

* Perhaps it may be worth while to call attention to a slight error that Professor Johnston has made with regard to the year in which Yale College was "founded." He states it as "1701." That is the year in which the first charter was given to the "collegiate school," but the date of the "foundation" of the present University in New Haven is 1700.

It may be of interest to some to know that the name "Yale" was not associated with the college till 1718, when it was given to the first building put up for the accommodation of students, as the trustees stated, in honor of Governor Elihu Yale, by whose generosity they had been enabled to build it. As President Woolsey says, it was not till 1720 that the "spiritual body"-the collegiate school-is so called on the records; though, as he says, the formulæ "at a meeting of the trus