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Mr. Ward.“ If there was I did not hear it."

Mr. Ferris.-" If you swore that any of the six men you named, besides Williams, was engaged in throwing around the pieces of the box, was that statement true?

Mr. Ward.-" I saw none but Williams have hold of the box, or any of the pieces."

Mr. Ferris.“ If you stated that Leander Tarr, Daniel Watson, Henry Snyder, John P. Garr, and John Miller were there hallooing, was that statement true?"

Mr. Ward.—“I can not be positive that every one of them was.”

Mr. Ferris“ Was there any stamping done in the room that you know of, except that done on the box ?"

Mr. Ward.- None that I could name.”

Mr. Ferris.-“ Now if you stated that any person except Williams was engaged in stamping on the floor, was that statement true ?"

Mr. Ward." I saw John Dougherty and Bluford Mills jumping up and down on the floor.”

The Committee have recited this testimony in full, that the public may be forcibly impressed with the utter futility of the claims upon which these arrests were made. William Frash, Christopher Clapper, Dwight Klinck, James Crosby, Abraham Stahl, and Allen Ward were summoned by Republican members of this Committee, to relieve, if possible, the parties who made the Blackford county arrests of actual disgrace and crime. How far they have succeeded the public must judge from the testimony. The Committee forbear to enter further into this discussion, the whole case is fully presented to the public, all may read it and digest it for themselves. There will certainly be an end to this kind of oppression—when the oppressor, shorn of patronage, and unsupported by the willing slaves of place and emolument, will once more stand upon his own footing, and thus reduced to the true condition of responsibility, he will be constrained to render up an account that will be satisfactory to the inexorable citizen who has been so wantonly and so wickedly outraged.


Under this head may be classed what is familiarly known as the Newburg cases, together with the arrest of W. B. McLean, of Vanderburg county.

As to the Newburg cases it is a notorious fact, and it is a part of the recent history of this State, that in these arrests an attempt was made to defeat the Democratic party in the last October elections. It was proclaimed by the leading republican organ of the State, that one of the Newburg prisoners had drafted resolutions another had done this, and another that in the county convention assembled in Warrick county, to indorse the action of the 8th of January convention. And therefore it was contended by these insignificant philosophers, that the people ought not to trust a party made up of such disloyal members. After all this parade and flourish of trumpets, it would have been too bare-faced to have turned loose the parties arrested, without some show of a trial. Therefore, in the United States Court a grand jury was gotten up for the occasion, controlled, as everybody knows it was, by a number of ancient and hacknied party fossils, appointed by partizans, to work up to a partizan programme, which they did without stint or conscience. The Committee are advised there are some honorable exceptions in this grand jury, who positively refused to debase themselves. But that the people of the State may be fully apprized as to who the guilty parties are, that have published what they had no right to publish, and what they could only publish by a positive violation of their oath, their names are given to the world. The old maxim of law, false in one thing false in all things, raises a very serious question between the honest people and the unscrupulous members of this grand jury. Here they are:

T. B. McCarty,

H. D. Scott,

When they were impanneled, they swore to keep secret all their proceedings; but they had not been in session a single week, until



members of this same grand jury, and other persons in their confidence, were making speeches all over the State—adjourning their meetings for that purpose-retailing what the jury in secret session, clothed in the habiliments of abandoned and remorseless party camp followers, and not acting within the true intent and meaning of their solemn obligations as jurors, had discovered, as they supposed in their willing spirit, to be treasonable practices on the part of the Democratic party throughout this State. Of course all these reports were false in fact, or else these partizan jurors were false to their oaths. Let them elect which horn of the dilemma they will take. But the inquisition had been established

the blocks for the execution had been placed there--they must be stained with blood—the executioner was impatient for the work of death; indictments were found, and the United States Attorney, in pursuance of his undoubted right, selected the strongest case from the Newburg prisoners, and with all the aid of the marshal in the selection of a traverse jury, he failed to convict his chosen victim of the offense charged, and indeed of any offense. And so the matter stands—it has become a part of the history of the people of Indiana—a source of humiliation and disgrace, and attainder to all the parties who have thus prostituted themselves for the subservience of selfish and malevolent party schemes. This is about the last we will hear of Newburg treasonable practices. The evidence is given to the public in full; it will be weighed carefully; and at some period in the future, not far distant, we will have the popular verdict upon it. The boys in the streets will yet mock at the members of this grand jury, who have so disgraced themselves; and their children after them will spend a lifetime of mortification on account of the ignominy that has been entailed upon them.

In this connection the Committee would invite attention to the case of W. B. McLean, a citizen of Evansville, Indiana. It is an uninviting picture. Mr. McLean was induced to go to Indianapolis by General Blythe, in consideration of vague rumors circulating against his loyalty, that he might answer to Governor Morton; and if by him, or his military tribunal, acquitted, the suggestion was that all excitement against him would be subdued. He was promised an immediate hearing. General Blythe was in command of the military forces in southwestern Indiana, and Mr. McLean supposed that he would perform his promises, that upon his arrival at Indianapolis he would have a hearing, and he knew he would be acquitted, for he was guilty of no crime. But how was he

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treated? He was cast into this mighty whirlpool of frenzy, and left for weeks at the mercy of half-fledged officials, who either did not know their duty, or if they did, who were too unscrupulous to perform it. General Blythe knew that Mr. McLean had a wife and five helpless children dependent upon his daily labor for support; but no, that mattered nothing. Party favorites must be gratified by his humiliation. And what did it all amount to? nothing. He had sent a pistol to a couşin in Kentucky, with the written permit of A.

T. Robinson, the surveyor of the port at Evansville. This is all that it was pretended he had done, for which he was kept in close confinement for more than six weeks. Shame upon a Government that would commit such crime against the liberty of the unoffending citizen, simply because it had the physical power to do so. But it was done it can not be denied—it is not denied. Let the responsibility rest where it belongs.


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This appears to be a cant phrase of Greeley coinage, and means any thing or nothing; the Committee are unable to determine which. In its popular acceptation, it seems to signify Democratic theories and ideas as opposed to Republican theories and ideas. It is, perhaps, nothing more than a term of reproach. But classing it as an offense, according to the construction of Abolitionists, the Committee would call attention to two or three of the most prominent cases which have been developed under it.

It will not be necessary to enter very far into details, as the evidence will only have to be read to be clearly understood. Especial attention is invited to the arrests of Harris Reynolds, of Fountain county, Dr. Theodore Horton, of Wells county, Richard Slater, of Dearborn county, and Amos Green, a citizen of the State of Illinois, who was arrested in Terre Haute. These gentlemen were arrested near about the same time, and very nearly for similar reasons. Harris Reynolds was arrested upon a false charge of having advised resistance to the draft, on the first day of October, 1862, and was discharged without trial on the 22d day of the same month. Dr.

Theodore Horton, arrested on the 9th day of October, 1862, for making a speech in favor of a strict construction of the Constitution of the United States, was confined in the prison at Indianapolis until the 13th day of November, and was then discharged by Mr. Rose without trial or examination. Richard Slater was arrested

on the day after the October election of last year, for what reason the Committee have been unable to ascertain, as he nor any one else ever knew. He was likewise imprisoned in the Government bastile at Indianapolis, and after four weeks close confinement was also discharged without a trial. Amos Green was arrested at Terre Haute on the 8th day of August, 1862, upon a telegraphic dispatch sent to Samuel Connor, the sheriff of Vigo county, by one John Logan, who was at that time, and still is, under various indictments for felony and misdemeanors. He was taken to Washington City, kept there for several days, and finally set at liberty, without accusation and without trial, and even then forced to pay his own expenses home. Mr. Slater and Mr. Reynolds are both ex-Senators, and Dr. Horton an ex-member of the House of Representatives of the State of Indiana. Perhaps no arrest has been more outrageous than that of Dr. Horton. He was spirited away at midnight, under the impression that he was going to perform an act of mercy; and thus kidnapped, he was hurried away from his home and family under circumstances that even precluded him from informing his anxious wife and children where he was until he had reached Indianapolis.

American citizens were thus harshly dealt with, simply because the weak and toppling party in power, in its madness to thrust its political heresies upon an intelligent and unwilling people, had established a system of espionage that gave any man, of the Administration school, the power to arrest and send to jail any one of his Democratic neighbors that, in his malice, prejudice, or misapprehension, he might wish to have put out of the way.

The public will not fail to notice the cases of Mr. Cassidy and Mr. Offutt, who were arrested in Rush county. Malignant despotism, of the most offensive and criminal nature, characterizes both these cases. The only pretended authority therefor was a lettre-de-cachet from Major-General Lewis Wallace, in command at Cincinnati—a letter in blank, assuming to confer upon an irresponsible itinerant telegraph operator the authority to go whithersoever he pleased, and arrest any citizen he might suspect of disloyalty. Respectful language can hardly portray this insolent impudence, this beggarly despotism, and this contemptable usurpation, so strangely and so outrageously mean, and so far below the standard of American citizenship. Against these prisoners no charge, .not even a false' affidavit, was preferred. It suited the caprice of a telegraph operator, acting in the capacity of a “Deputy

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