brother to Washington to assure Mr. Lincoln of his loyal support, though accompanying the assurance with a protest against certain arbitrary arrests which had lately taken place.

In everything pertaining to the raising of troops Governor Seymour's administration exhibited great, even conspicuous energy, and especially efficacious was it, when an enormous effort was made to meet General Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania, in the early summer of 1863. On the 15th of June the Secretary of War had telegraphed to Governor Seymour asking for help, and in less than three days 12,000 State militia, "well-equipped and in good spirits" were on their way to the capital of the threatened State. Governor Seymour's executive activity was extraordinary. Both President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton sent him their personal thanks for his prompt action. On July 2d, Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, also sent to Governor Seymour for aid, and in two days still additional troops were sent to his relief.

It was while nearly all the available militia of New York City and State had gone to the front that the "draft riots" occurred in the city. What greatly excited the anger of the poorer people was the commutation clause, which provided that a drafted man might procure exemption by the payment of $300. This seemed to many very unjust; as it practically relieved the richer class, while the poor had no escape. There was also a discrimination against New York in the quota required from the city. Governor Seymour endeavored to have this injustice corrected, and also to secure a postponement of the draft; but was not able to effect this in time to prevent the catastrophy which ensued. The draft began on the 11th of July, 1863. On the following day, being Sunday, the names of those drafted were published, and the rioting began. The Governor reached the city that night, and the next day he issued two proclamations-one calling upon all citizens to retire to their homes, and another declaring the city in a state of insurrection. He then began enrolling volunteers to aid in restoring peace, and in getting together the few remaining available troops. On Tuesday he addressed the mob from the steps of the City Hall, his main object being to persuade the rioters to disperse, and so to gain time for the concentration of the force he was collecting to secure order.

In its issue of Wednesday the Tribune charged Governor Seymour with having addressed the mob as "My Friends." If this had been true, and he had done so with the intent of securing their attention, this conventional phrase would have been quite justifiable. But, in fact, he did not use the words thus maliciously attributed to him, though for years this falsehood was hurled at him as a reproach. The Deputy-Sheriff of New York at that time was Colonel Thomas. Dunlap, who introduced the Governor on the City Hall steps to the surging crowd below. He stood close by his side, and he declares that Governor Seymour addressed the great crowd by these opening words, "Men of New York," and bravely went on to condemn all riotous proceedings, warning them of the fatal consequences which must inevitably follow acts of violence, and finally dissuading them from their intended attack on the Tribune building, and induced them to disperse peaceably. He had at the same time a small force of United States troops hidden in the City Hall, which he might have called upon had he

not resolved to avoid bloodshed, if possible. But the wilful misrepresentation of his speech, on that July day in 1863, no doubt, cost him many votes, when nominated for President, in Tammany Hall, in 1868.

The riot, though continuing but little over forty-eight hours proved a costly affair both in property and lives. When all was quiet again, Governor Seymour wrote to the President asking him to have the draft stopped, and proposing to fill New York's quota with volunteers. A Committee of Inquiry was appointed by the War Department, which subsequently admitted that the Act of March 3d, 1863, was "imperfect, erroneous and excessive, especially with reference to the cities of New York and Brooklyn." On the 13th of April, 1864, a Republican Legislature passed a resolution thanking Governor Seymour for his prompt and efficient efforts in pointing out the errors of the enrollment and procuring its correction. Mr. Seymour was offered the Presidential nomination in 1864, but declined it, accepting, however, in 1868. In fact, it was then almost forced upon him; for he fully understood that the interest in General Grant was at that time too strong to be overcome. As he anticipated, the General secured a majority in the Electoral College.

From this time forward ex-Governor Seymour retired from active politics, declining offers of nomination for Senator and other offices. He died in February, 1886. The most remarkable feature of his political life was the persistent and wholly unwarranted misrepresentation to which he was subjected by his political opponents, on the utterly baseless score of disloyalty to the Union.

九龍

CHAPTER XXXIII.

SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

HOUGH in no sense a new man or a new politician, Mr. Tilden came into popular repute as the "ring-breaker" in 1872, but from his youth up he had been a Democratic politician, and from early manhood merited the title of Statesman. He was one of those who early broke away from Tammany on the slavery question. He withdrew from the Baltimore Convention, in 1848, and joined the Democratic Free-Soilers at Utica, where Martin Van Buren was nominated for the Presidency. In 1855 Mr. Tilden was the candidate of the Soft-Shell portion of the Democratic party for the Attorney-Generalship. It has often been asserted, and as often denied, that Tilden was “a Tammany man." The facts are that he was at different times the friend, and then, again, the opponent of Tammany. When that Society was working on what he thought true Democratic principles he was with it; when he thought it failed in that respect, or had fallen under the leadership of unworthy men, he antagonized it. All Democrats in New York City were practically Tammany men up to the period of the first great division of sentiment, which came to a head, politically speaking, in 1848. We do not mean absolutely that there were no opposing factions, but their numbers were neither large enough, nor their lease of life long enough, to interfere seriously with the onward march of the old organization. But the question of free-soil divided the Democracy throughout the land, as it also shattered-yes, killed, the great Whig party.

In 1872 Mr. Tilden was not only back again as a member of Tammany, but was a Sachem of the Wigwam. When Tammany was right, he was there; when he thought it wrong, he was not only out, but in full and open opposition. But it is not necessary here to describe, in detail, Mr. Tilden's connection with Tammany; his attitude has been already interwoven in preceeding pages of this history. We desire, however, to call especial attention to a curious coincidence in Mr. Tilden's political experiences as a "ring-breaker," which does not and should not rest upon his action in the New York affairs of 1871-72. Many years before he had his eyes opened to the frauds being perpetrated by the "gentlemanly gang" who were manipulating the finances of the Erie Canal for their own especial benefit. These parties "were all honorable men," mostly residing in Syracuse, the very city in which was held the convention which nominated Mr. Tilden for Governor in 1874.

The Canal Board was elective, and thus, with proper effort, its control could be wrested from the fraudulent managers, and placed in more honest hands; and this was the work Mr. Tilden proposed to himself to see done when he became 'Governor. He was elected by the handsome majority of over 50,000. His inauguration took place January 1, 1875. His first message has always been known as the "Canal Message." On close investigation, Mr. Tilden had found that in this provincial city, over two hundred miles distant from "wicked New

York," almost precisely the same fradulent modes of deception and corruption were in full operation by these supposed innocent rustics of no particular political faith; and, curiously enough, about the same amount of money, some fifteen millions, had been wrongfully absorbed and squandered by the "canal ring." It was by the Governor's practical suggestions and influence on succeeding legislation that a salutary change was soon brought about in canal management.

It was in great measure his admirable conduct of State affairs which led to Governor Tilden's nomination for the Presidency in 1876. By the popular vote, his majority over Hayes was 252,224; and in the Electoral College he received 184 votes to 165 for Hayes. It is not necessary to repeat here the story of the great national fraud of our Centennial year. History has judged that act, but not condoned it-nor ever will.

There is now no doubt that Tammany's full vote was brought out in favor of Tilden. John Kelly's choice (he was very influential then) was Sanford E. Church, who had been sounded on the subject of accepting the nomination for the Presidency, which he absolutely declined for himself, under the feeling that neither he nor any New York man could be elected. He thought the Presidency should, at that time, "go to some Western man." Yet, though two such astute politicians as Church and Kelly saw defeat in the nomination, Samuel J. Tilden was elected not only by a large popular vote, but also by a more than sufficient majority in the Electoral College. After Mr. Tilden's death, in the summer of 1886, the following appreciative remarks, from one who knew him well, appeared in a leading Republican paper of Boston: "If you wish to hear kind things said of the dead leader of Democracy, go and talk to the people of Gramercy Park, in New York. They knew the man. He was not the weazened, churlish creature, clutching his barrel of gold, that those amiable gentlemen, the cartoonists, were so fond of picturing, while taking a mean delight in making fun of his physical misfortunes. His neighbors do not remember the brutal cartoons, but they have a warm recollection of a gentle and sunny-tempered old man, who rose superior to racking and cruel bodily tortures, and presented a smiling front at all times."

By his will Mr. Tilden showed his regard for the City of New York by leaving a bequest of several million dollars for the purpose of establishing a free library. Unfortunately, ignoring the good old rule of Blackstone, that when any technical or orthographical obscurity occurs in the wording of a will, that "it should be construed in accordance with the known intention of the testator," these millions have been diverted from the objects which Mr. Tilden had so much at heart to the great loss of the citizens of New York.

A patriotic niece of Mr. Tilden's has, to the extent of a two million dollar gift, endeavored to have this clause in Mr. Tilden's will carried out.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

LAYING THE CORNER-STONE OF THE NEW WIGWAM.

N JULY, 1867, the important event of laying the corner-stone of the imposing new Wigwam, in Fourteenth street, was combined with the usual ceremonies which annually mark the National Anniversary, so religiously observed by the Tammany Society since the year of its foundation. The ceremonies of the occasion were abundantly chronicled in the leading daily papers, and brought forth, from the Society, an extra illustrated pamphlet descriptive of the proceedings, in which was also given a picture of the old hall, on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, with a lithograph copy of the corner-stone of the abandoned building. This pamphlet also included Mr. Horton's interesting historical sketch of Chief Tammany.

As the old hall had been given up and the new was not yet built, the Society, on this occasion, occupied Irving Hall, on Thirteenth street-a building subsequently destined to temporary fame, as the resort of a fraction of disatiected Democrats in opposition to Tammany. Here a procession was formed which, with flags, banners and music, marched to the site of the new building on Fourteenth street, adjoining the Academy of Music. The ground, already partly excavated, sloped inward from the sidewalk, forming a sort of amphitheatre for the people to occupy, with the stand for the speakers in the centre. There was an immense assemblage, "on the outer fringe of which were many ladies." A silver trowel, with ivory handle, made for the occasion, was presented to the Grand Sachem, John T. Hoffman, which is thus described: "On one side was engraved an Indian chief, underneath which was the inscription, 'From the Tammany Society to Grand Sachem John T. Hoffman; used in laying the cornerstone of the new hall for the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, July 4th, 1867.'" The other side contained the names of the Grand Sachem and other officers of the Society.

Mr. Hoffman made an eloquent and thrilling address in response to the presentation, and then proceeded to place in the casket the numerous documents and objects selected for the purpose-coins, newspapers, some books, Mr. Horton's historical sketch included; not forgetting a copy of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States, and, with many modern records, were also deposited all that had been taken from the old corner-stone of the abandoned Wigwam.

When these exercises were over the Society, with many invited guests, and others, returned to Irving Hall. There, as usual, the Declaration of Independence was read, music performed, and an ode, written by one of the editorial staff of the World, was read by De Witt Van Buren, Esq. The feature of the occasion, however, was the appearance of the venerable Tammanyite, the Hon. Gulian C. Verplanck, as orator. Mr. Verplanck was then ninety years of age; he had been many years a member of Congress, and had held other honorable positions,